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ETHNIC GROUPS AND CLASS IN AN 

EMERGING MARKET ECONOMY: SPANIARDS AND MINORCANS 

PN LATE COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE 



By 
JAMES GREGORY CUSICK 



A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 

OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA PN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT 

OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 

1993 



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA LIBRARIES 









Copyright 1993 

by 

James Gregory Cusick 












Dedicated to Marie V. and James G. Cusick, 

my parents, 

and Maureen A. Cusick, 

my sister 






ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 



Funding for several aspects of this research was provided by the 
following organizations. The National Science Foundation, Social Science 
Division, Anthropology Program, provided funds toward identification and 
analysis of faunal materials (grant #BNS-9003961). The St. Augustine 
Historical Society funded the 1991 fieldseason at SA-34-3, one of its properties, 
in order that data from this site could be included in the study. Monies from 
the Charles H. Fairbanks Scholarship Fund, administered by the Department 
of Anthropology, University of Florida, defrayed costs of producing this 
dissertation. Teaching and research assistantships were also indispensable, as 
was the constant support of the University of Florida's Department of 
Anthropology, the Florida Museum of Natural History, and the Division of 
Sponsored Research. 

If there is a better or more gracious place to do archaeology than St. 
Augustine, I have yet to find it. Field work and analysis were made possible 
through the dedicated efforts of many institutions and individuals. 
Excavations at SA-34-2 were carried out by Vicki Rolland, assistant field 
supervisor, and crew members of the St. Augustine Archaeological 
Association (Betty Riggan, Margaret Perkins, Jackie Bowman, George Allen, 
Richard Todd, Dick Metzler, Charles Tingley, Les Loggin, Dot Miller, and Bud 
Moler). Archaeological sites were included in the study with the enthusiastic 
approbation of the site property owners: Mr. Fred White of St. Augustine, 









IV 



Sister Mary Albert and the sisters of the Convent of St. Josephs, the Historic 
St. Augustine Preservation Board, the St. Augustine Historical Society, and 
the City of St. Augustine. Bruce Piatek and Stanley Bond of the Historical St. 
Augustine Preservation Board and Carl Halbirt, City Archaeologist, provided 
assistance, lab space, and advice during analysis of curated collections. 

Bruce Chappell, archivist, and the staff of the P.K. Yonge Library of 
Florida History, and Page Edwards, director, and the staff of the St. Augustine 
Historical Society were constant guides during archival and historical 
research. Of equal importance was the cooperation of Dr. Jane Landers of the 
Department of History, Vanderbilt, Susan Parker of the Historic St. Augustine 
Preservation Board, and Sherri Johnson of the University of Florida, all of 
whom shared with the author information from their own research on life in 
late colonial St. Augustine. Professor Jennifer Schneider, Theater 
Department, University of Florida, provided background on eighteenth- 
century costume. Special thanks go to Drs. John and Patricia Griffin, who 
have provided data, advice, and encouragement throughout this project. 

I also gratefully acknowledge the patient and long-suffering work of Dr. 
Patricia Foster-Turley, who identified site faunal materials and provided the 
baseline data for the study of foodways. I wish her good luck with her otters. 

No amount of thanks can truly acknowledge the enormous donation 
of time and effort given to me by the members of my doctoral committee: Dr. 
Kathleen Deagan, chairperson; Drs. Jerald MiJanich, Elizabeth Wing, Darrett 
Rutman, and Murdo MacLeod, members; Bruce Chappell, invited member. 

This dissertation presents only a fraction of the overall number of 
research projects in historical archaeology which have come to fruition 
because of Kathleen Deagan. Kathy communicates to her students her own 
passion for the field of Spanish colonial archaeology. Her research in St. 

y 















Augustine provided the model, the inspiration, and the foundation for the 
current study. I am grateful to Kathy for providing me with careful and 
thorough archaeological training, for constant support during my graduate 
education, and for the many (many) hours spent overseeing and reviewing 
this work. 

I am indebted to Darrett Rutman for introducing me to the world of 
community study and for his astute and objective evaluation of this and 
many other manuscripts. I am also most grateful to Jerry Milanich, Elizabeth 
Wing, and Murdo MacLeod for helping me integrate the diverse fields of 
archaeology, zooarchaeology, and history into a study that, ultimately, says 
something about people rather than artifacts. 

In addition, Dr. Prudence Rice, an earlier member of the committee, 
provided much-needed advice in the early stages of the ceramic analysis, and 
Dr. Elizabeth Reitz read early drafts of the chapters on foodways and provided 
both editorial suggestions and additional information. 

Anyone writing a dissertation gains a new appreciation of the meaning 
of friendship. Becky Saunders and Ann Cordell had to listen to more 
complaints about cluster analysis than any reasonable person should have to 
tolerate. Kate Hoffman, Maurice Williams, George Avery, Donna Ruhl, Judy 
Sproles, Greg Smith, and Marsha Chance managed somehow to keep me 
grounded during many alternate days of euphoria and angst. 

Finally, I reserve my most heartfelt thanks for my mother, father, and 
sister, who have seen me through many hard times, and whose only reward 
will be to flip through this dissertation before putting it on the coffee table in 
the living room. They have always recalled me to the fact that scholarship is 
a privilege accorded to a few by the generosity of the many. 



VI 












TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Page 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv 

LIST OF TABLES. x 

LIST OF FIGURES xiii 

ABSTRACT xiv 

CHAPTERS 

1 INTRODUCTION 1 

2 CLASS AND ETHNICITY. 11 

Social Class. 11 

Ethnic Groups 16 

The Study of Ethnicity and Assimilation 18 

3 OLD COLONY, NEW BEGINNINGS. 24 

Early Spanish Exploration 1513-1565 24 

First Spanish Period 1565-1763 25 

British Period 1763-1783 ..............26 

Late Colonial Spanish East Florida 27 

Spain and its Late Bourbon Dynasty. 29 

The Circum-Caribbean and the Rise of Cuba 31 

Florida and the Cuban Model 33 

Political Events in Spanish East Florida 36 

4 PORTRAIT OF A COMMUNITY: 
CULTURE AND CULTURE THEORY 

IN A ST. AUGUSTINE CONTEXT. 38 

Demography 39 

Spaniards and Minorcans. 48 

Assimilation or Non-Assimilation?... 61 



vn 



Documentary Evidence for 

Consumerism in St. Augustine 62 

Late Colonial Household Sites in St. Augustine 68 

A COMPARISON OF SPANISH 

AND MINORCAN DRESS 79 

Late Eighteenth Century 

Costume in Spain and Minorca 80 

Spanish and Minorcan Costume in St. Augustine 87 



6 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INDICES OF CONSUMER 
BEHAVIOR: CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES IN 

SECOND SPANISH PERIOD ST. AUGUSTINE. 101 

Ceramics as a Data Source 103 

Studies of Consumer Behavior 104 

Ethnicity and Consumption 113 

Methodological Considerations 

Governing the Comparison and 

Quantification of Ceramic Assemblages 116 

Methodological Considerations: 

Cluster Analysis of Sites. 127 

7 TEAWARES, PLATES, AND 

UTILITARIAN WARES. 131 

Initial Data Analysis: Sherd Counts and Weights 131 

Vessel Counts 136 

Analysis Based on the Estimated 

Minimum Number of Vessels 143 

Interpretation 159 

8 ZOOARCHAEOLOGY AS AN 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL TOOL 166 

General Zooarchaeological Methods: Overview. 173 

Background to Colonial Subsistence in 

St. Augustine Based on Historic Documents 184 

Background to Colonial Subsistence in 

St. Augustine Based on Zooarchaeological Data 191 

Spanish and Minorcan Diet 

in Late Colonial St. Augustine 195 



Vlll 






9 ZOO ARCHAEOLOGY OF SPANISH 

AND MINORCAN HOUSEHOLDS. 202 

Zooarchaeology of Spanish 

and Minorcan Households 202 

Comparison of the Second 

Spanish Period Faunal Assemblages 213 

Interpretation 221 

10 JOURNEY'S END 224 

APPENDICES 

A LIBRARY INVENTORIES 235 

B OCCUPATIONS IN ST. AUGUSTINE 242 

C PRICES FOR VESSEL FORMS IN ST. AUGUSTINE 249 

D STATISTICS FOR CERAMIC ANALYSIS 253 

E MNI AND BIOMASS DATA 

FOR ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSEMBLAGES 261 

F ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROVENIENCES 

USED IN THIS STUDY. 280 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 285 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 318 



IX 



LIST OF TABLES 



TABLES 



Page 



4-1 Population of St. Augustine 1786 

(Excluding the Garrison) 40 

4-2 Free Black and Slave Population of St. Augustine 41 

4-3 Non-Spanish Household 

Heads Arriving in St. Augustine. 42 

4-4 Non-Spanish Immigration 

into Spanish East Florida 43 

4-5 Distribution of Occupations Across 

Some Segments of St. Augustine's 

Late Eighteenth-Century Population 49 

4-6 Overall Volume of Goods by Major Ports 63 

4-7 Food Imported into St. Augustine 1787, 1794, 1803. 65 

4-8 Sites and Their Household Heads 69 

4-9 Household Size and Socioeconomic Rank 69 

5-1 Names and Occupations of Individuals in Sample 90 

5-2 The Distribution of Shirts, Breeches, 

Pants, Stockings, Ruffles, Cravats, and Gloves 92 

5-3 The Distribution of Coats, Waistcoats, Jackets, 

and Suits by Year and Socioeconomic Position 94 

5-4 Mean Numbers of Shirts, 

Breeches, Stockings, and Cravats 96 

5-5 Mean Number of Outer Garments. 97 












6-1 Categories of Earthenwares Used for St. Augustine. 125 

7-1 Sherd Counts and Percentages 

for Decorative Ware Categories 133 

7-2 Sherd Weights (grams) and Percentages 

Percentages for Decorative Ware Categories 134 

7-3 Sites Membership in Clusters 

Generated from Rim Counts ...140 

7-4 The Categories for Flatware, 

Teware, and Utilitarian Ceramics. 146 

7-5 Teaware Decorative Types ...147 

7-6 Plate Decorative Types 148 

7-7 Utilitarian Ware Database 149 

7-8 Breakdown of Assemblages 

by Form/Function Categories 149 

8-1 Household Heads, Occupations, and Ethnic 

Affiliation of Late Colonial Sites in St. Augustine. 182 

8-2 Allometric Values Used for Biomass in This Study 
With Size of Sample Used to Generate Constants 
for Predicting Biomass (kg) from Bone Weight (kg) 185 

8-3 Site Numbers, Occupants, and 

Ethnic Affiliation of Eighteenth- 
Century First Spanish Period Sites 194 

8-4 Taxa of Fish Found Near Minorca and Florida 199 

9-1 Faunal Categories by MNI 206 

9-2 Faunal Categories by Biomass 207 

9-3 Major Species at Second 

Spanish Period Sites by MNI 208 

9-4 Major Species at Second 

Spanish Period Sites by Biomass 209 

9-5 Major Species at First 

Spanish Period Sites by MNI 210 



XI 



9-6 Major Species at First 

Spanish Period Sites by Biomass. 211 

9-7 Measures of Diversity and Equitability 

for St. Augustine Faunal Assemblages 212 

9-8 Comparison of NISP, MNI, and Diversity for Sites 213 

9-9 Identified Skeletal Elements of Chicken 217 

9-10 Identified Skeletal Elements of Other Birds... ...218 



XII 



LIST OF FIGURES 



FIGURES Page 

1 1791 map of St. Augustine by Mariano de la Rocque 
showing the town, Castillo de San Marco, cultivated 
fields to the north, the harbor, surrounding river 

systems, and Anastasia Island 28 

2 Map of St. Augustine showing the central plaza and 
city blocks with the Minorcan Quarter designated by 
shading. Based on the 1788 Rocque town plan redrawn 

by Marjorie A. Niblack from Griffin (1990) 46 

3 The location of the archaeological sites used in this 
study. Map based on Rocque 1788 as redrawn by 

Marjorie A. Niblack from Griffin (1990) 71 

4 Vestir de Militar. Major elements of male military 

and civilian dress in late eighteenth-century Spain 84 

5 Major elements of male dress on Minorca. Not shown 

is the short jacket typically worn in place of a coat. 86 

6 Examples of major classes of decorated ceramics. 
Cream-colored wares: feather edged, Royal, diamond 
motif. Edged: shell edge. Painted: polychrome 

floral tea cup, blue on white oriental motif saucer 122 

7 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's 

method clusters based on rim count data 139 

8 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's 

method clusters based on teaware vessel counts 153 

9 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's 

method clusters based on flatware vessel counts 156 

10 Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's 
method clusters based on utilitarian ware 

vessel counts I5g 



xm 






Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School 

of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the 

Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

ETHNIC GROUPS AND CLASS IN AN EMERGING MARKET ECONOMY: 
SPANIARDS AND MINORCANS IN LATE COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE 

By 

James Gregory Cusick 

December 1993 

Chairperson: Dr. Kathleen A. Deagan 
Major Department: Anthropology 

The community study has been one of the most prcductive but least 
used approaches to the archaeological study of the past. This is especially 
ironic because the community study approach offers a framework which 
overcomes many of the problems and fulfills most of the goals of 
contemporary historical archaeology. It is based in the relationship of people 
and locale, it is conducive to the synthesis of documentary and archaeological 
data, it can be used in conjunction with hypothesis testing and scientific 
method, and it employs a comparative approach which deals with groups of 
sites and multiple classes of data. 

This approach was used here to study the influence of class and 
ethnicity on the material world of colonists in late colonial Spanish St. 
Augustine. The relative importance that peoples' socioeconomic position 
and ethnic affiliation had on their material lives has been an issue of great 
controversy in historical archaeology. In general, there is evidence that 



xiv 









ethnic groups can be distinguished based on material culture but that 
distinctions often disappear with upward mobility. 

This dissertation focused on two groups from St. Augustine circa 1784- 
1821. The Spaniards were drawn predominantly from the urban, middle-class 
strata of Cuba. The Minorcans were peasant farmers, fisherfolk, and artisans, 
originally brought to Florida by the British to serve as indentured servants. 
Archaeological assemblages and probate records were employed to compare 
the material culture of households in both groups and answer a simple 
question: Was the material life of these households more similar within 
ethnic groups or across socioeconomic strata? 

Results demonstrated that the relation between ethnic affiliation and 
material culture varied depending on the type of material culture. Costume, 
as represented in probate records, followed well -delineated Spanish and 
Minorcan traditions. Archaeological ceramic assemblages, on the other hand, 
were largely reflective of household socioeconomic position. Diet at 
Minorcan households changed noticeably with rising affluence. 

Thus, ethnicity influenced peoples' physical world but the influence 
tended to decrease with mobility. This implies that processes of ethnic 
cohesion and assimilation apparent in twentieth century life were also in 
operation two hundred years ago. 
























xv 









CHAPTER 1 
INTRODUCTION 



This study in historical archaeology revolves around the concept of a 
town as a community. Its intent is three-fold: (1) to continue the archaeology 
of Spanish St. Augustine by extending archaeological research into the so far 
uncharted territory of the late colonial, or Second Spanish, period (1784-1821); 
(2) to examine the ways in which late colonial conditions helped both to 
maintain and alter Spanish colonial patterns evident from the archaeology of 
St. Augustine in the early eighteenth century; and, (3) to test, from the 
perspective of historical archaeology, theories about the persistence or 
assimilation of ethnic groups in a multicultural milieu, using data gathered 
from probate records and archaeological assemblages of this late colonial 
Spanish American town. 

It is also an invitation to readers to visit the town of St. Augustine in 
the period of Spanish rule between 1784 and 1821. Unlike many works on the 
Spanish colonization of Florida, this is not a voyage into an unknown era to 
see explorers, conquistadores. or missionaries in their encounters with native 
American peoples. Rather it is a journey to what might seem surprisingly 
familiar: a community on the edge of modernity. By the late eighteenth 
century, St. Augustine was a small seaport caught between worlds-between 
the modern and pre-modern, the Spanish-American and the Anglo- 
American. Its creolized residents were engaged in occupations recognizable to 
twentieth-century observers. People made their living through fishing, 






2 



planting commercial crops, keeping shops and taverns, government 
administration, and shipping, as well as through a host of trades in baking, 
barrel-making, blacksmithing, carpentry, cobbling, masonry, and tailoring. 
Although they lived in a minor Spanish possession, residents of St. 
Augustine led lives touched by the momentous political events of the day: 
the birth of the United States, the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, 
the French invasion of Spain, and the forced abdication of the Spanish 
monarchy. The science of the times might have struck modern visitors as 
archaic, but the educated in St. Augustine were familiar with Buffon's theory 
of catastrophism in natural history, Priestley's work on transpiration in 
plants (which led to the discovery of oxygen), and Fourier's mathematical 
formulas explaining the conduction of heat through solids. In their dress 
both the rich and poor probably resembled the subjects depicted in sketches 
and paintings by Spanish artist Francisco Goya or American artist Charles 
Willson Peale-both their contemporaries. A period that opened in frockcoat 
and breeches would close with a fashion shift to tailcoat and trousers. This 
study is a guide into a community that was neither modern nor pre-modern, 
but transitional between the two. 

Other researchers have already marked the signposts for our intended 
journey. St. Augustine has a rich historiography in social history, 
ethnography, and archaeology. Its evolution from the sixteenth centurv 
onwards has been chronicled in Eugene Lyon's The Enterprise of Florida 
(1976), Elizabeth Reitz' and Margaret Scarry's Reconstructing Historic 
Subsistence with an Example from Sixteenth-Century Spanish Florida (1985), 
Amy Bushnell's The King's Coffer (1981), Albert Manucy's The Houses of St. 
Augustine (1978), and Kathleen Deagan's Spanish St. Aug ustine: Thp 
Archaeology of a Coloni al Creole Community (1983), as well as in dozens of 



articles and site reports written by the many scholars who have worked in the 
colonial town. 

Our route takes us into the core of the late eighteenth- and early 
nineteenth-century town, along a line of archaeological excavations that 
cross-cut the colonial community. This trip may necessitate detours- 
ancillary excursions into documentary sources that give us details about ship 
cargos off-loaded at dock, price structures of goods, or the household 
inventories of those who died intestate. But in all things we will follow our 
main road, our "avenue of inquiry" (Deagan 1982), that leads to the heart of 
our topic, to the archaeology of two ethnic groups-the Spaniards and the 
Minorcans-and what this archaeology can tell us about class, ethnicity, and 
cultural process in late colonial St. Augustine. 

It is questions about assimilation that form our "avenue of inquiry" 
through St. Augustine. Were peoples' lives more similar by virtue of ethnic 
background, or social class, or other factors? A focus on ethnicity and class 
centers this study in the concerns of broader research within Spanish 
American history, sociology, and anthropology. As such, the study addresses 
the much debated emergence of new, class-based societies in late eighteenth- 
century Spanish America (Anderson 1988; Brading 1973; Chance and Taylor 
1977; McAllister 1963; Morner 1983); it contributes to our understanding of 
ethnic group versus class formation under early market economies 
(Bjorklund 1986; Braudel 1981; Comaroff 1987; Hopkins and Wallerstein 1982; 
Wallerstein 1974, 1979); and it furthers the literature on ethnic cohesion and 
assimilation (Barth 1969; Crispano 1980; Dobratz 1988; Engelbrektsson 1986; 
Glazer and Moynihan 1963, 1975; Gordonl964, 1975; Spicer 1971, 1972). 

Of particular importance for starting our journey is Deagan's Spanish 
St. Augustine. Published in 1983, it set forth to "depict and interpret patterns 






of eighteenth-century Spanish colonial life, using information from a 
number of fields (archaeology, history, geography, architecture, and 
zooarchaeology), but synthesized and interpreted in an archaeological 
framework" (Deagan 1983: 5). In doing so, it became one of the first and most 
successful attempts to write a "community study" within the field of 
historical archaeology. 

Journeys require itineraries, and community study is to be ours. The 
concept of community is an old one in social science. Poplin (1979: 3-8), 
reviewing the etymology of the term in sociology, suggested three common 
usages: 1) community as a synonym for an affiliation of people; 2) 
community as a moral or spiritual ideal of human organization; and 3) 
community as a unit of social and territorial organization, defined by a 
geographical area, interaction, and common ties. Many community studies 
in social history have followed the second usage and have sought in past 
times for that ideal sense of belonging said to be lost in modern times (see 
Rutman 1973, 1980) But it is the third usage-community as social unit-that 
informs the work of the Rutmans in history (Rutman and Rutman 1984), of 
sociologists interested in network systems or network analysis (see Powell 
1991: 270-272; Wellman 1982; Wellman and Berkowitz 1988), and of most 
anthropologists and archaeologists. Arensberg and Kimball, in Culture and 
Community (1965: 1-7), characterized community study as fulfilling two 
purposes. First, they said, it seeks to understand the role of "community" by 
examining how people organize their societies in different cultures, places, 
and times. Second, it uses communities as case histories, or social 
laboratories, in which to study the various phenomena of culture. 

Both the concept of community as ideal and of community as social 
unit continue side by side. In social history, for instance, Isaac's The 



4 



Transformation of Virgina 1740-1790 (1982: 1) tried to define what constituted 
the essence of eighteenth-century social identity by reconstructing the "alien 
mentality of a past people." More often, however, community study has 
come to mean the study of a locale and people with reference to material 
conditions of life. Wallace in Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village 
in the Early Industrial Revolution (1978) undertook a study of mill economy, 
censuses, class structure, and settlement pattern to determine how technology 
affected nineteenth-century American culture and worldview. In A Place in 
Time (1984), a study of Middlesex County, Virginia, between 1650 and 1750, 
the Rutmans focused on how demography, economy, and other factors 
altered a community's structure over time (see Rutman and Rutman 1984; 
Rutman 1980, 1986: 165-166). 

Community study, as applied in archaeology, has adopted the material 
framework of the Rutmans rather than the concerns with worldview and 
mentality addressed by Isaac. Indeed, the use of quantitative methods and an 
increasing interest in material aspects of life-geography, demography, 
economy—have united the fields of history and archaeology in many cases 
(Deagan 1988; Whittenburgh 1983). The bridge between the disciplines is 
implicit in statements such as those by Darrett Rutman: "Allow me to 
suggest that historians' efforts to characterize early American life should not 
be directed by an assumption about the mind of Anglo-America and its small 
communities but by the broad social processes underway to which those 
communities— or at least the studies of them— testify" (1986: 172). 

Whatever discipline they are used in— anthropology, history, or 
archaeology-community studies have become powerful mechanisms for 
integrating diverse fields of data into in-depth case histories of past societies. 
For this reason, community study has been frequently recommended as a 






5 


















6 



research strategy ideally suited to the needs of historical archaeology (Cleland 
1988; Deagan 1983; Schuyler 1988). By definition, historical archaeology is a 
cross-disciplinary field, characterized by access to multiple sources of data 
about the past and a strong anthropological perspective (Deagan 1982; McKay 
1975; Schiffer 1988). The community study approach in historical archaeology 
generally has been taken to mean a study of a town or other small settlement 
at the household level, using numerous households, with information on 
the occupants compiled both from documents-maps, censuses, tax records, 
wills— and from excavation. The sites of historic towns and settlements, 
researched in such a manner, would seem to offer unique opportunities as 
"social laboratories" (Arensberg and Kimball 1965) As recently as 1988, 
community studies were recognized as one of the most productive strategems 
for research in historical archaeology (Cleland 1988: 16; Schuyler 1988: 40-41). 
Despite this, only a handful of historical archaeologists have pursued the 
community study approach: Deagan (1983) on St. Augustine; Geismar (1982) 
on rural blacks in Skunk Hollow, New Jersey; Lewis (1987) on frontier sites in 
South Carolina; Hardesty (1988) on railroad encampments in Nevada; and 
(Pyszczyk 1989) on fur trading stations in western Canada. 

These studies all have common features, particularly in their attitude 
toward the written and archaeological record. In virtually all cases, they have 
used documentary data as a basis for establishing hypotheses about cultural 
processes to be tested through archaeology (Deagan 1982; Gorman 1982: 67). 
Some also employed documents, in part, to collect data and focused on those 
portions of the written record most concerned with material culture, 
especially probate records and inventories (Bowen 1978; Bragdon 1988a; 
Geismar 1982; Pyszczyk 1989; Yentsch 1983). Recent publications under the 
headings of "documentary" or "text-aided" archaeology have reemphasized 









7 



the need for historical archaeology to have an interdisciplinary grounding in 
archival research as well as excavation (Beaudry 1989; Little 1992). 
Increasingly, researchers have incorporated information from store 
inventories, probate records, account books, and day books into archaeological 
comparisons of material culture and assemblages. Archives and archaeology 
provide historical archaeology with a more holistic concept of the role of 
material things in daily life (Little 1992: 4). 

It is such integration and synthesis of archival and archaeological data 
which is a hallmark of community study. Through access to a broad range of 
data, an archaeologist's inquiry into the past can achieve the kind of depth 
and scope that an anthropologist acquires when writing the ethnography of a 
living community. Gorman (1982) has correctly noted that a reliance on 
documents restricts community studies to sites with historical records; but it 
also opens to archaeologists the means to address basic anthropological issues 
about the past, particularly questions concerning social class, distribution of 
wealth, ethnicity, acculturation, and assimilation. In the present case, for 
instance, it is an indisputable advantage that the ethnic groups under study 
are self-described in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century documents. As 
discussed in the next chapter, documentary evidence for ethnicity removes 
many impediments that have plagued previous archaeological studies of 
ethnic groups. 

This study, therefore, has one additional objective: to synthesize 
documentary and archaeological information on late colonial society in St. 
Augustine and construct a more complete ethnography of the period than 
could be achieved by emphasizing only archival or only excavated materials. 

A wealth of documentary sources and histories aid our investigation. 
Unlike sources for earlier periods in Spanish Florida, the archive of materials 



8 



for the period 1784 to 1821 is extensive. It includes a vast official 
correspondence as well as basic government records organized into bundles 
according to the filing system used by the Spanish colonial administration. 
The originals have been housed, since 1905, at the Library of Congress, but are 
available as the East Florida Papers (EFP) on microfilm at the P.K. Yonge 
Library of Florida History at the University of Florida. Selected papers 
concerning two of the most important aspects of colonial life, politics and 
trade, have been translated and published in Lockey (1949) and Whitaker 
(1931), respectively. A brief summary of the most important documents are: 
official correspondence between the governor, his superiors, and various 
departments (EFP Bundles 44-78, Reels 17-30; EFP Bundles 81-111, Reels 31-42); 
papers on military affairs, public works, and surveying (EFP Bundles 117-210, 
Reels 44-90; papers on events in Louisiana, West Florida, and East Florida 
(EFP Bundles 112-116, Reels 42-44); the treasury accounts (EFP Bundles 79-81, 
Reel 30; EFP Bundles 211-212, Reel 90); the registers of shipping arrivals and 
departures (EFP Bundles 214-258, Reels 91-109); public contracts (EFP Bundles 
280-282, Reels 119-121); criminal proceedings (EFP Bundles 283-296, Reels 121- 
130); testamentary proceedings (EFP Bundles 301-319, Reels 134-146b); census 
returns (EFP Bundle 323a, Reel 148); civil proceedings (EFP Bundles 329-349, 
Reels 150-164); as well as other documents relating to slavery, relations with 
native Americans, proclamations, oaths of allegiance, and transfers of 
property (for more complete information see Manning 1930: 392-397, and the 
Calender of the East Florida Papers, P.K. Yonge Library of Florida History, 
University of Florida). 

Due to ongoing research by historians in these archives for the past 
decade, historiography on late colonial Spanish Florida is also extensive. In 
addition to recent overviews of the period (Poitrineau 1988; Weber 1992), 



there are histories on most segments of the population: free and slave blacks 
(Landers 1988a), Minorcans (Griffin 1988, 1990; Quinn 1975; Rasico 1987, 1990), 
Spanish Americans (Johnson 1989a, 1989b; Tanner 1989), and Anglo- 
Americans (Parker 1990). 

Within this study, documentary sources-primary and secondary—are 
used within an archaeological framework. The research presented here is 
based on a detailed analysis of ceramic assemblages and faunal remains at six 
sites, representing households of different ethnic affiliations and income. 
These sites represent about one percent of the Minorcan and Spanish settlers 
in St. Augustine. They are, in other words, a small sample. Documentary 
sources, however, enable us to evaluate the sample fairly critically. 
Documentation is used, as it has often been used in historical archaeology, to 
establish the controls and generate the hypotheses for an anthropological 
inquiry into the past. 

Primary and secondary sources provide information on demography, 
occupations, residential patterns, distribution of wealth, household size, and 
other variables. Through such information, we can make better assessment 
as to the representativeness of our sample. Primary documents also provide 
background information on material life. Sources of data on material culture 
(shipping records, probates, store inventories) augment our knowledge of 
what archaeology tells us about material culture and the flow of commodities 
in a late colonial economic system. 

Finally it should be said that this study does archaeology "the old 
fashioned way," that is, with a materialist perspective, a commitment to the 
scientific method, and a concern for study of cultural process. To say there 
have been many criticisms of this position would be an understatement. Yet 
despite constant advocacy for a "post-processual" archaeology, this author 



10 



believes with Cleland: "Given that the scientific method is not the only way 
of achieving insight and that it is not immune from subjectivity nor 
invulnerable to covert cultural agendas, it is still, in the context of dealing 
with material things, the best hope we have for collective progress ... in 
terms of the systematic and cumulative acquisition of knowledge" (1988: 14). 

This is the perspective of the archaeological community study. 
"Community study has perhaps best assured in modern social science 
research execution of two imperatives of all science: that hypothesis be built 
from empirical perception . . . and that generalization be checked by a return 
to it" (Arensberg and Kimball 1965: 11). For late colonial St. Augustine, 
archaeology offers the best means of gaining specific household level data on 
daily life. Yet it is only through the wide lens of history that we can embed 
individuals in their broader cultural environment. Through the synthesis of 
archaeology and history that we have some hope of ending our journey in 
the general vicinity of truth. The following study is therefore based in certain 
principles. First, it employs the community study approach as offering the 
best means by which one can "effectively integrate independent documentary 
and archaeological data to produce otherwise unobtainable results" (Deagan 
1988: 8). Second, it adopts a comparative approach to the study of ethnicity, 
focusing primarily on whether social class or ethnic affiliation were more 
influential in shaping the material life of the subjects. Third, it addresses 
issues of culture process through a scientific and materialist perspective. 
























CHAPTER 2 
CLASS AND ETHNICITY 



The current chapter lays the groundwork for the rest of this study by 
introducing the concepts of social class and ethnicity and defining them in a 
context that is relevant for late colonial Spanish American culture. Much of 
the analysis undertaken in this study focuses on a consideration of these two 
social phenomena and their relation to material culture. Unfortunately, the 
terms "class" and "ethnic group" have suffered much abuse in archaeology, 
often being confused with "social status/' "estate," and other like concepts. 
The two terms are also embedded in modern usage and therefore present the 
illusion of needing no explanation. In fact, the opposite is true. We must 
lose our common-place preconceptions about what constitutes social class or 
ethnic groups in favor of definitions based both in social science and in the 
context of eighteenth-century social organization. The social hierarchy of the 
Spanish colonial period was based on different criteria to modern society and 
it will be the task of this chapter to elucidate these criteria. In addition, 
attention is given to the archaeological investigation of ethnicity and the 
problems it has confronted. 

Social Class 
The first major division of late colonial society was that of social class. 
The social hierarchy of Spanish America was in a period of transition 



1 1 



12 



throughout the eighteenth century as it evolved from an earlier system of 
estates. The hierarchy of St. Augustine must be seen against this background. 

The preeminent view of social class-one that has become ingrained in 
twentieth-century consciousness-centers on the class system defined by Karl 
Marx: the proletariat or working class; the bourgeoisie, or middle and 
professional classes; and the owner/landlord class, the capitalists. These 
classes, according to Marx, formed from the division of labor and the 
relationships to the means of production into which people are born. 'The 
separate individuals form a class only in so far as they have to carry on a 
common battle against another class. On the other hand, the class in its turn 
achieves an independent existence over against the individuals, so that the 
latter find the conditions of existence predestined, and hence have their 
positions in life and their personal development assigned to them by their 
class [and] become subsumed under it" (Marx [1857] 1984: 132). 

Marx and his successors grounded the basis of this class structure in the 
Industrial Revolution. Indeed, in a widely acclaimed study of the English 
working class, the British historian E.P. Thompson noted that even in Great 
Britain, the forerunner of world industrial powers, a self-aware working class 
did not come into existence until the 1820s, when artisans and laborers began 
to understand their social position viz a viz industrialists and government 
(Thompson 1966:711-712). This occurred only at the end of the time period 
under consideration here and in a society far more industrialized than Spain 
or Spanish America. Even at the end of the Spanish colonial period, the 
social hierarchy was still based to some degree in legal and corporate 
privileges that dated from feudal times (McAlister 1963:363). This earlier 
conception of class was based in several notions: one's estate, and its 
accompanying privileges as derived from medieval social hierachy; one's 



13 



occupation; and one's wealth. In Spanish America, it included another 
criterion— race—which was of more or less importance depending on locale. 
In preindustrial societies, as one Marxist has put it, "economic and legal 
categories [were] objectively and substantially so interwoven as to be 
inseparable" (Lukacs 1968:57). 

This observation was especially true for social class in Spanish 
America. The elements of social class in the Spanish colonies were many and 
complicated. Wealth was the key to privilege, but it was not the sole 
determinant of status. In the Spain of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a 
person's rank in society depended in part on a hierarchy of estates. These 
estates derived from functional categories of the Middle Ages, defensores, 
oratores, and laboratores, which translated into nobles, ecclesiasts, and 
commoners (McAlister 1963:350). The nobles were originally a functional 
group-the feudal lords and knights who defended the land-but by the 
sixteenth century much of this function had disappeared. Moreover, the old 
nobility combined more and more of its lower ranks with the upper strata of 
commoners: merchants, lawyers, physicians, and professional people with 
university degrees (McAlister 1963:352). This group formed an estate by 
possession of hidalguia or nobility, an economically valuable asset as hidalg os 
were not subject to taxation or prosecution for debt. Ecclesiasts formed a 
separate estate but one which was generally linked to the nobility. The 
commoners included shopkeepers, artisans, soldiers, farmers, and herders. 

These estates were not purely economic in character, but rather were 
defined by a broad range of legal privilege and social obligation. At the peak 
were those aspiring to nobility, or hi dalguia, which "was as much a set of 
attitudes as it was a matter of lineage" (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 4). By the 
eighteenth century, "full economic success in almost any branch of life 












created nobility, and the nobles old and new all adhered to the same patterns. 
Mastery of the martial arts, horsemanship, and literacy were expected. . . . The 
noble married a woman of high lineage; ... he maintained a large 
establishment of relatives, retainers, and servants .... The goal was to 'live 
nobly' from rents and herds without daily activity in trade" (Lockhart and 
Schwartz 1983: 4-5). Birth was one route to nobility, but it could also be gained 
by practice of a profession-theology, law, or medicine. 

Intermixed with the nobles were the upper strata of the commoners, 
the great merchants, letrados, clerics, and medicos. Although these 
occupations differed considerably in economic terms, they carried a legal and 
social acknowledgment of status and therefore accorded privilege (Morner 
1983). "Pride in birth and its accompanying privilege rather than substantial 
means separated most Spaniards from the remainder of the population" 
(Burkholder and Johnson 1990:188). 

Even soldiers, merchants, and artisans could claim some degree of 
privilege by membership in a functional corporation, such as the army or a 
guild. Another whole occupational strata-servants and retainers-were 
dependents of the nobility. Below all of these was the peasantry. 

When Spanish culture was transferred to the New World, this old 
system was modified into a new one, encompassing colonial Spaniards, the 
Indians they conquered, Africans brought to the Americas as part of the slave 
trade, and the new intermediate ranks of castas, , or people of mixed heritage. 
Hence, a concept of race was incorporated into the old system (Morner 1983; 
Lockhart 1984). In the Spanish American heartland, the social hierarchy, 
from top to bottom, was Spaniards, castas, free blacks, Indians, and black 
slaves (McAlister 1963; Lockhart and Schwartz 1983). This social hierarchy 
formed the official basis for assigning rank and privilege in colonial society. 



14 



15 



In reality, it was further complicated by what was called "passing" the ability 
to move from one estate to another by reason of marriage, wealth, or other 
means. The chief distinction was between Spaniard and Indian, and many 
castas were eventually accepted as "Spanish." 

In the eighteenth century "passing" became so common that most 
historians believe the old estate system was being replaced by a new 
economically based hierarchy, with wealth as the chief criterion of who was 
noble and who was not. Notably, the use of the terms "don" and "dona", 
once the exclusive province of the nobility, became more generally applied 
(Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 317). One of the most salient but controversial 
aspects of eighteenth-century life in the Spanish Americas was the gradual 
replacement of a social hierarchy based on ascribed status-peninsular 
Spaniards, Spanish American Creoles, mestizos, mulattos, blacks, Indians— 
with a hierarchy in which income raised some peoples' rank while lowering 
that of others (Burkholder and Lyman 1990; Lockhart 1984; Lockhart and 
Schwartz 1983; Morner 1967). 

How far this transition had proceeded is unclear but recent research on 
colonial Mexico has suggested it was well underway. A study of society in 
Guanajuato, a Mexican mining town, found that late colonial society was still 
principally divided according to traditional estates (Brading 1973). Yet at the 
same time in Oaxaca in the 1790s there was clearly an emergence of classes 
based on socioeconomic position. More than half of American-born 
Spaniards, the Creoles, supported themselves as low-grade artisans, despite 
the high-status that would be accorded to them by their estate (Chance and 
Taylor 1977). Another study, from Guadalajara in 1821 at the end of the 
colonial period, found that poor Spaniards and poor Indians lived similar 
lives in similar sectors of the city (Anderson 1988). 



16 



Social class, when used in relationship to late colonial times in Spanish 
America, may thus bear the connotation "socioeconomic position," since it 
was a shifting combination of both old statuses and new wealth which 
opened the route to membership in the elite. 

Ethnic Groups 

"Ethnicity" is a twentieth-century term and concept and can, in the 
modern sense, designate large, even national, groups of people (Glazer and 
Moynihan 1975). This connotation of ethnicity has come to us largely 
through the screen of nationalism, industrial enterprise, and the welfare state 
(Glazer and Moynihan 1975: 4-17). In the case of eighteenth-century society, 
however, we are dealing with ethnic groups in a more traditional and 
delimited sense, a preindustrial form of social organization, consisting of a 
relatively small group of people, usually located in one geographical place, 
such as a city barrio, who shared a sense of common origin expressed in 
religion, language, and history (Bell 1975: 169). 

Many definitions of modern ethnic groups emphasize the importance 
of affective ties between members of the group; that is, ethnic groups express a 
conscious advocacy of common origins and shared values (Dobratz 1988; 
Engelbrektsson 1986; Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Kelly and Kelly 1980). The 
emphasis placed on affective ties and the advocacy of self-identity has been a 
constant trip-wire for archaeologists studying ethnicity. The difficulty, of 
course, is that much of the definition relates to people's self-conception or 
attitude, something untraceable through material culture and archaeological 
patterning. Other definitions, which place less emphasis on advocacy, are 
better suited to the study of preindustrial groups. Talcott Parsons described 



17 



ethnic groups as types of fiduciary association combining family and 
community in mutual obligations: " a group [whose] members 
. . . have, both with respect to their own sentiments and those of non- 
members, a distinctive identity which is rooted in some kind of distinctive 
sense of history" (Parsons 1975: 56). For Greeley and McCready, "an ethnic 
group is a large collectivity, based on presumed common origin, which is, at 
least on occasion, part of a self-definition of a person, and which also acts as a 
bearer of cultural traits" (1975: 210). A particularly apt definition is offered by 
Engelbrektsson in a study of a modern self-contained, urban community of 
Greeks in the Swedish city of Boras: "Ethnicity is to a great extent a matter of 
upholding a functioning borderline between people considered to be one kind 
versus people considered to be another kind. The differentiation as to kinds 
is mainly accounted for in terms of separate origins" (1986: 148). When 
assessing whether a group in the past can properly be called an "ethnic" 
group, one should look for evidence of common origins and culture, 
endogamy, and boundaries— whether they be physical, like the streets of a 
town, or social, like marriage patterns-that demarcate the group from a larger 
or more inclusive society. Common food preferences or material culture is 
not sufficient to impute ethnicity to a group; these things may indeed be 
incorporated into group ethnicity, but other types of information, such as 
spatial formation of neighborhoods (Brastner and Martin 1987; Hardesty 1988) 
and data on group marriage patterns, social networks, and professed values 
are equally important (Crispano 1980; Dobratz 1988; Engelbrektsson 1986). 

Common origins and culture, endogamy, and boundaries both social 
and physical are the criteria that will be used to establish the existence of 
ethnic groups in this study. If such criteria were applied to an earlier period 
of Spanish American history, they might well be inappropriate. As noted 



18 



above, colonial Spanish America developed a social hierarchy based in part 
on traditional social ranking in Spain and in part by the intermixture of 
peoples in the New World (Burkholder and Johnson 1990; Lockhart and 
Schwartz 1983). For much of the colonial period, a person's position in 
Spanish American society was strongly influenced by his or her estate, a 
combination of race, genealogy, regionalism, social behavior, and income. By 
the late eighteenth century, however, this system of social rank was breaking 
down. In St. Augustine, it was more characteristic of the First rather than the 
Second Spanish Period. St. Augustine between 1784 and 1821 was a colonial 
Spanish port town and its character derived as much from being a port as 
from being Spanish. Like other ports, it acted as a magnet for diverse settlers 
from around Europe and the Americas and its population was multilingual 
and multicultural. For this reason, criteria on ethnicity drawn largely from 
studies of immigrant, urban populations are deemed to be relevant. 

This study follows other recent works of historical archaeology that 
deal with ethnicity by relying on documentary evidence to identify ethnic 
groups. The criteria of social and physical cohesion and common origins and 
culture do indeed delimit one group of people from another. It will be 
admitted that defining ethnic groups in this manner is an inference; but it is 
an inference based on abundant evidence. 

The Study of Ethnicity and Assim ilation 
Ethnic identity and ethnic groups hold continuing fascination for 
American social scientists, in part because their persistence on the American 
scene contradicts the age-old aphorism that the United States is a "melting 
pot" in which different peoples merge into one. In a classic volume of essays, 
Ethnicity: Theory and Experience , Glazer and Moynihan noted with various 



19 



authors that ethnicity has become an indelible part of the modern American 
character (1975: 4-5). They also recognized that twentieth-century ethnic 
groups are recent versions of much older social forms originating in pre- 
industrial times. "As such," they maintained, " the hope of doing without 
ethnicity in a society . . . may be as Utopian and questionable an enterprise as 
the hope of doing without social classes" (1975: 5). 

The issue of why ethnic groups form, why some persist, and why 
others assimilate has received constant attention from leading thinkers in the 
social sciences. Within social history, theorists on early capitalism have 
argued that ethnic groups are prone to assimilation whenever it means a rise 
in status. This has been a tenet of Immanuel Wallerstein, whose model of 
world society is based heavily on Marxism and the dependency theory of 
Andre Gunder Frank (1967). For Wallerstein (1974), it is social class, not 
ethnicity, that ultimately determines who and what a person is in society. 
Under capitalism, ethnic groups are divisive agents, essentially pitting lower 
and middle classes against each other instead of against the property-owning 
class (Wallerstein 1979: 181-187). Within this framework, minorities with 
some degree of status "strive to break down remaining discriminatory 
barriers [and] prevent incursions into their privilege by lower status groups. 
One major mode of defense is their own assimilation into the dominant 
ethnic group, and it is frequently pursued" (Wallerstein 1979: 187). 

Other theorists have emphasized ethnic groups as participants in 
capitalism, rather than its dupes. Fernand Braudel, an influential theorist in 
social history, noted the close correlation of ethnic minorities with various 
occupations or professions in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth 
centuries. Control of trade circuits was often in the hands of such minorites, 
whether defined by nationality or religion (Braudel 1982: 165). He concluded 






20 



that group cohesion provided members with crucial social networks and 
helped them to maintain control over investments and commercial 
enterprises (Braudel 1982: 164-165). Ethnic minorities also provided a means 
for transferring capital or technical knowledge from one country to another. 
Hence, England harbored Huguenot cloth-makers in the sixteenth century 
(Scouloudi 1987) and Cuba welcomed French sugar planters and commercial 
agents from Saint Domingue and Louisiana in the eighteenth (Knight 
1970:13). As minorities, and often foreigners, immigrant groups were subject 
to punitive or disciminatory legislation (Scouloudi 1987). Yet assimilation 
did not guarantee security. A case in point were converso Jews in Spain. 
Though they escaped expulsion in the sixteenth century, they afterwards 
became targets of the Inquisition (Contreras 1992: 193-223). When 
assimilation offered no benefits, cohesion as a ethnic group may have proved 
a better strategy for survival. 

In archaeology, the study of ethnic groups has covered three basic 
interests: cultural histories of minorities left out of mainstream American 
history; studies of ethnic boundaries; and studies of acculturation and 
assimilation. These distinctions are artificial, however, as most studies 
address at least two and usually all three of these concerns (Baker 1980; 
Deagan 1983; Deetz 1977; Geismar 1982; Greenwood 1980, 1991; Hardesty 1988; 
Henry 1987; McGuire 1983; Otto 1977, 1984; Pyszczyk 1989; Singleton 1985, 1988; 
Staski 1987; see also McGuire 1982). In all cases, definitions of ethnicity have 
emphasized similar themes: (1) that people coalesce into ethnic groups when 
they face competition from some larger group; (2) that ethnicity provides 
common ground, or a strong emotional tie, for pursuing group interests; and, 
(3) that the basis of the tie is an emphasis on identity based in cultural origins 



21 



of region, language, and religion (Barth 1969; Bell 1975: 169; Greeley and 
MacCready 1975; Horvath 1983: 23; McGuire 1982: 160; Spicer 1971, 1972). 

Even with broad consensus on what defines ethnic groups, however, 
the archaeological investigation of ethnicity has been fraught with frustration 
and controversy. In prehistory, the problem has stemmed from trying to 
correlate archaeological materials with specific linguistic or genealogical 
groups. In the absence of documents, this has proven exceedingly difficult 
(Shennan 1989). 

Investigations of ethnicity in historical archaeology have often 
encountered the same obstacles as those in prehistory. Drawing on the work 
of the anthropologist Edward Spicer, numerous researchers have 
recommended that historical archaeologists devise a method for identifying 
so-called ethnic boundaries in the archaeological record (Kelly and Kelly 1980; 
McGuire 1982). Spicer observed that both cultural and ethnic groups 
sometimes distinguished themselves from others by using material culture- 
clothing, ornamentation, residential patterns-to demarcate a spatial or 
symbolic boundary between members of the group and nonmembers (Spicer 
1971). This has led to conjecture that such "boundaries" might be evident in 
the distribution or patterning of artifacts and material culture at sites. In 
trying to identify ethnic boundaries, however, historical archaeologists have 
frequently found that the links between peoples' material culture and their 
cultural identity are far from clear. Indeed, Spicer, in his writings on culture 
change, pinpointed the difficulty: "Under some circumstances material 
culture items were replaced or changed rapidly while little else changed, but 
in other situations social structure and religions changed rapidly while 
material culture underwent small change" (Spicer 1962: 542). Recent studies 
have underscored the dilemma. For instance, Bragdon (1988b), in a study of 



22 



native Americans in Natick and Nantucket, used probate records to compare 
what people owned with how they lived. Although the farming community 
of Natick had a more traditional material culture, it was in Nantucket that 
other aspects of native American culture—language, religion, and political 
hierarchy-persisted for the longer period of time (Bragdon 1988b: 130-131). 
McGuire, in a study of Mexican- and Anglo-Americans in nineteenth-century 
Tucson, could find no correlation between material life and ethnic affiliations 
(McQuire 1983). 

Ui er studies have focused less on identifying specific material 
correlates to ethnic boundaries and concentrated instead on processes of 
culture change: what factors influence the way people live and how new 
cultural groups emerge out of old ones. These questions have been the 
provenance for studies of acculturation, ethnogenesis, and assimilation. 
Acculturation and ethnogenesis studies have focused mostly on culture 
change when different societies come into contact with one another (Deagan 
1983; Ewen 1988; Foster 1960). Closely related to this are studies of 
assimilation, which often are concerned with the behavior of different groups 
living in the same community. As might be expected, there is considerable 
overlap between this research and the community study approach. Major 
substantive contributions include the study of mestizaje in eighteenth- 
century St. Augustine (Deagan 1983), of Chinese enclaves in nineteenth 
century California (Greenwood 1980), of Mexican- Anglo relations in pre- 
railroad Texas (Staski 1987), and of purchasing patterns among fur-trappers of 
the.Northwest (Pyszczyk 1989). As opposed to studies of ethnic boundaries- 
which too often have focused on members of a single group and their 
material culture—research on assimilation has been based in a comparative 
analysis which looks simultaneously at two or more groups within a 



23 



community, a method that has long been advocated (Horvath 1983: 24). 
These studies are also less concerned with identifying ethnic groups from 
archaeological criteria; rather, they use documentary information to pinpoint 
groups for study and then examine the interrelationship between ethnicity, 
distribution of wealth, and assimilation. In this, again, they are extremely 
amenable to the community study approach. "Assimilation studies," noted 
McGuire (1982: 162), "have formed a major facet of anthropological and 
sociological investigation for several decades and in them historical 
archaeology has come closest to realizing its anthropological potential." 

The approach in this study is to determine whether an ethnicity well- 
marked in documentary evidence is also evident in material culture by 
comparing categories of data from households representing both different 
ethnic groups and different socioeconomic positions. The next chapters take 
us through a brief history of the late colonial period in St. Augustine, describe 
the town's population, and focus on the two groups and the archaeological 
sites that will be compared. 



CHAPTER 3 
OLD COLONY, NEW BEGINNINGS 



The late colonial period in St. Augustine lasted for only 37 years (1784- 
1821). It was separated temporally from the earlier period of Spanish 
colonization by a twenty year interval of British rule. Late colonial society 
was built in part on Spanish cultural traditions that developed in Florida circa 
1650 to 1763, in part by changes introduced by the British between 1763 and 
1784, and in part by developments in Spain and the Caribbean after 1780. This 
chapter presents a general overview of the First Spanish and British Periods 
in Florida and then a more specific chronology of late colonial history. 

Early Spanish Exploration 1513-1565 
Spanish attempts to settle Florida commenced soon after Columbus' 
voyages to the New World. The expeditions of Ponce de Leon, Diego 
Miruelo, and Alvarez de Pineda occupied the period 1513-1521, and by 1520 
Spaniards were already raiding Florida to capture native Americans for the 
slave trade (Smith and Gottlob 1978: 1-2). This was followed by attempts at 
conquest and settlement by Ayllon and Narvaez in the 1520s, de Soto in 1539, 
and Tristan de Luna in 1559 (Hudson, Depratter, and Smith 1989; Milanich 
1990; Milanich and Hudson 1993). When Pedro Menendez de Aviles 
destroyed a French settlement and established St. Augustine and Santa Elena 
in 1565, Spain obtained its first permanent hold on the region (Chaney and 
Deagan 1989; Deagan 1983; Lyon 1976, 1989, 1990, 1992; South 1892, 1983). 



24 



25 



First Spanish Period 1565-1763 
The next two centuries witnessed a gradual evolution of La Florida 
into a society consisting of two major estates— Indian and Spanish. There 
were repeated uprisings by native peoples endeavoring to counter Spanish 
rule, but throughout the seventeenth century the native population was 
reorganized and resettled in an extensive mission system. In the missions, 
many traditional aspects of native life continued, but native groups were 
subject to labor drafts and to Spanish political hegemony (Hoffman 1993: 16- 
20). The economy was based in agriculture, ranching, and royal subsidy 
(Hahn 1988; Reitz 1990; Ruhl 1990; Saunders 1990; Thomas 1990). 

St. Augustine functioned as administrative center, coast guard, border 
patrol, and trading post for the colony. Spain provided an annual situado, or 
subsidy, to help support the military garrison and government and also 
underwrote major works, such as the construction of the Castillo de San 
Marcos (Bushnell 1981; Waterbury 1983). Colonial society reached its 
maturity in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century. Most of the 
native population lived at the dozens of mission sites while the social 
composition of St. Augustine evolved into the system of natives, castas, 
Creoles, and Iberian Spaniards which characterized other Spanish American 
colonies. The archaeology of the town and its people during this period is 
summarized in Deagan (1983) and numerous historical works describe 
economic and social conditions of life (see Bolton 1921; Boyd, Smith, and 
Griffin 1951; Bushnell 1981, 1983; Chatelaine 1941; Corbett 1976; Gannon 1983; 
Harman 1969; Hoffman 1993; Lyon 1976; Proctor 1975, 1976; Tebeau 1971- 
Tepaske 1964; Waterbury 1983; Weber 1992). 






26 



British Period 1763-1783 

Spanish colonists in Florida staved off repeated British assaults in the 
1700s only to lose the region as a result of Spanish setbacks in the Caribbean. 
In 1762 a British invasion force captured Havana, and to regain it Spain was 
forced to cede its Florida colony, as well as other possessions, to England 
(Kuethe and Inglis 1985; Kuethe 1986; Lockey 1949). 

British control of Florida was short-lived. Yet with its advent much of 
what had characterized colonial Florida for 200 years disappeared. The 
Spanish mission system, already under duress in the early 1700s, had been 
eliminated by 1763 (Deagan 1983: 26). Spanish colonials and the remnant 
population of Christianized Indians evacuated St. Augustine in 1763 to live 
in Cuba (Deagan 1983: 32). Creek and Seminole peoples began to settle in 
Florida from the early 1720s and became the major native American presence 
in the region (Fairbanks 1978). 

One of Britain's first acts was to divide Florida into two colonies. West 
Florida, based in Pensacola, consisted of the panhandle and much of what is 
now Alabama. Peninsular Florida, with its capital in St. Augustine, formed 
the colony of East Florida. Investors introduced a plantation economy to 
Florida, converting the landscape into the image of South Carolina and 
Georgia (Greene 1988; Schafer 1983). Just as important, from an economic 
standpoint, was the flourishing trade established with the Creeks and 
Seminoles. 

The American Revolution brought an end to British rule. West 
Florida and Pensacola fell to a Spanish army in 1781 (Weber 1992: 276). East 
Florida was returned to Spain by treaty in 1783. By 1784, Spain once again 
held possession not only of Florida, but of all the borderlands on Mexico's 
northern frontier from the Atlantic to the Southwest (Weber 1992). 



27 



Late Colonial Spanish East Florida 
The colony Spain re-established in Florida in 1784 was not simply a 
reconstruction of the former society. Late colonial Florida was a product both 
of traditions established during the first Spanish period and new economic 
factors at play in the Spanish Caribbean. There were many parallels between 
the colony of the early and late eighteenth century. Twenty years had not 
altered the environment and geography of Florida— the new colony inherited 
the same indigenous plants and animals, introduced livestock, and 
agricultural cultigens for subsistence and the same river and coastal system 
for transport (see Figure 1). The political situation also had not changed- 
there was still a potentially hostile power—now the United States— to the 
immediate north. Financially, Spanish East Florida was to be underwritten by 
situado monies from New Spain, as had been the case in the early eighteenth 
century. Finally, there was the town of St. Augustine itself — still built around 
a central plaza according to the Spanish grid system with the Castillo de San 
Marcos guarding the northern perimeter. With the return of many former 
Spanish residents or their offspring the old capital fostered a direct link 
between the peoples of the new colony and the old (see Bermudez 1989; 
Johnson 1989a, 1989b; Tornero Tinajero 1978). But there were new factors 
involved as well. In earlier times, Florida was a frontier colony that had 
combined a mission system with a social hierarchy based roughly on the 
estate system of New Spain to meet the needs of regional defense and 
localized economy. That society did not re-emerge in the late colonial period. 
Late colonial Florida was more representative of life in the Spanish Caribbean 
than in New Spain. Once a peripheral region of the Spanish American 
Empire, Florida by the 1780s was sandwiched between two of the most 
important regions in New World trade. The territory to the north had 






mzp 






npUtmda /.i IjtUkt 



\i sii <jDtfenx~i -, 




Atft^Attifchiff i SC&Jn ■' JTBAdOt 



■ 



JEs 



:-,;-~i- < r , gA-'« 












Figure 1: 1791 map of St. Augustine by Mariano de la Rocque showing the 
town, Castillo de San Marcos, cultivated fields to the north, the 
harbor, surrounding river systems, and Anastasia Island. 






29 



been transformed from a series of British colonies into the new nation of the 
United States, whose ports were becoming booming centers of trade. To the 
south, the rise of sugar, tobacco, and coffee had invigorated the economy of 
the Caribbean with new life. The French colony of Saint Domingue was the 
world's leading sugar producer (Geggus 1991; Knight 1978). Havana, Cuba, 
important as a harbor and supply station for Spanish fleets and now a major 
exporter of sugar, was Spanish America's third largest city and second largest 
port, surpassed only by Vera Cruz, Mexico (Burkholder and Johnson 1990: 
278-280; Kuethe 1991). From New York to Buenos Aires, the late eighteenth 
century saw the rise of what has come to be known as the 'Atlantic 
economy," a regional trade network that was gradually effacing the political 
and social barriers of the Americas (Knight and Liss 1991). 

Spain and its Late Bourbon Dynasty 
Life in Spanish East Florida was influenced throughout the late 
colonial period by international and regional events. Although the late 
colonial period in Florida was brief, it saw both the initial success and 
ultimate failure of Spanish reforms in colonial affairs. Under Charles III 
(1759-1788), the most powerful Spanish monarch in a century, Spain 
reorganized its colonial bureaucracy to tighten Crown control over officials, 
invested in fortifications in the Caribbean, altered the defense strategy for 
Atlantic shipping, and introduced a liberalized trading policy-- comercio libre - 
which allowed most Spanish and Spanish American ports to trade directly 
with one another (Brading 1987; Burkholder and Johnson 1990: 257-287; 
Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 346-368; Lynch 1987; see also MacLeod 1984). 
In the end it was not reform but the collapse of Spanish naval and 
military power which ensured changes in colonial life. For much of the 



30 



eighteenth century Spain was an ally of France. This long-term alliance began 
to fail at the end of the century and Spain often found itself caught between 
English and French ambitions. When France erupted in Revolution in 1789, 
Spain turned to England as a protector of royalist interests in Europe. 
However, in 1795 revolutionary French armies crossed the Spanish border 
and the French government forced Spain to adopt a neutral position in 
foreign affairs (Burkholder and Johnson 1990:291-294; Weber 1992: 285-291). 

This change in Spain's policy brought on war with England and from 
1796 to 1802 Spanish government and commerce struggled to maintain trans- 
Atlantic contact with the New World against a British naval blockade. With 
the rise of Napolean, Spanish fortunes reached their nadir. In 1799 Napolean 
coerced Charles IV into returning Louisiana to France and then sold the 
territory to the United States. The prestige of the Spanish Crown itself was 
weakened by corruption and political intrigue. Government was largely in 
the hands of Manuel Godoy, the king's principal minister and reputedly the 
queen's lover; he was widely despised as a royal favorite and had little 
popular support (Herold 1963: 202-203). In 1807, Ferdinand, heir to the 
thrown, attempted to overthrow Godoy, was arrested for treason, and 
imprisoned for a year. In the middle of this power struggle, Napoleon sent 
100,000 French troops into Spain. The royal family, following the example of 
the Portuguese Crown, attempted to flee to their New World possessions. 
They were halted at Aranjuez, where a mob attempted to lynch Godoy and 
insisted that Charles IV abdicate in favor of Ferdinand (Herold 1963: 210). 

By this time, however, it was no longer Charles or Ferdinand but 
Napolean who controlled Spain. He lured both king and prince to French 
soil and then forced them to abdicate in favor of his brother, Joseph. Popular 
uprisings against French rule began almost immediately, spawning a guerilla 






31 



war, and revolts against the French army of occupation continued until 1814 
when the Bourbon monarchy was restored under Ferdinand VII (Burkholder 
and Johnson 1990: 294-299; Lynch 1987: 15-23, 47-48; Weber 1992: 296-301). 

The Circum-Caribbean and the Rise of Cuba 
In addition to events in Europe, regional events also influenced life in 
Florida. Foremost among them was the rise of Cuba as an economic power. 
The fall of Havana in 1762 had shocked Madrid and forced Charles III and his 
ministers into a program of reforms. Cuba was the key strategic point in 
Spain's defense of its mainland colonial possessions. In order to ensure the 
island's future safety, Spain poured millions of pesos into the Cuban 
economy to strengthen harbor defenses and maintain a larger garrison 
(Burkholder and Lyman 1990; Kuethe 1986, 1991). The Crown intended to 
reforge Havana as the impregnable gate to the Gulf of Mexico. 

But the island's shrewd entrepreneurs held a more expansive view of 
their future. In the 1760s Havana already had a diversified economy based in 
sugar production, trade, and ship building, as well as defense (Kuethe 1991). 
The influx of silver from Mexico now provided liquid capital for further 
expansion, especially of the sugar industry. Between 1760 and 1790 sugar 
production on Cuba trebled and Havana became a leading port in the trans- 
Atlantic trade with Spain (Kuethe 1991: 27). Repeatedly, the wealthy planters 
and merchants of Cuba deluged the Crown with requests for economic 
concessions; first, for a lessening of restrictions on trade (1765), then for 
expansion of the slave trade (1792), and subsequently for enactment of land 
reforms that would opened protected timberlands and create a surge in land 
speculation (1795-1830) (Knight 1970; Kuethe 1991). 



32 



The bases of Cuban monoculture were laid down during the decade 
1790-1800, converting the island, particularly the western region 
around Havana, into a huge sugar mill. During this period, Cuba 
established a new type of linkage with the outside world and with the 
metropolis [Spain]; by the 1830s it was the richest colony in the world. 
(Duany 1985: 103) 



An essential feature in Havana's rise as an economic power was its 
increasing integration into the regional Atlantic economy, especially in trade 
partnership with the United States (Knight 1970:6-7). This partnership 
originated in Cuba's need to import flour and export sugar. Bread was 
essential to feed the garrison and provide a basic staple, but the flour for it had 
to be imported (Lewis 1984: 113). Prior to the eighteenth century, Havana had 
secured flour from Mexico or Spain. However, by the mid-1 700s these 
suppliers were being out-competed as cheap, reliable sources of flour by 
merchants in the British colonies (Lynch 1987; Lewis 1984: 114). Exports of 
flour from the Thirteen Colonies jumped during the American Revolution 
when Spain opened the port of Havana to trade with allied and neutral 
powers (Lewis 1984:115). U.S. ships, primarily from Baltimore and 
Philadelphia, represented between 20 and 30 percent of arrivals and 
departures in Havana's harbor between 1781 and 1783 and carried almost 90 
percent of the flour trade (Lewis 1984: 117; Tornero Tinajero 1981: 89, 92). 
Flour was off-loaded to Cuban factors in return from shipments of sugar 
(Lewis 1984: 116). Although this trade lasted openly for only a few years (1780- 
1785), it was, as Barbier noted, merely "a rehearsal for the vaster operations 
destined to follow" (Barbier and Kuethe 1984: 3). Throughout the turbulent 
1790s and early nineteenth century, U.S.-Cuban trade persisted-openly when 
Spanish law allowed, undercover when it did not (Knight 1970; Kuethe 1984, 
1991; Lewis 1984; Liss 1984; Salvucci 1984, 1991). 






33 



Florida and the Cuban Mode l 

Spanish Florida was re-established from Havana at a time when Spain 
was weakened by war in Europe and when Cuba enjoyed prosperity through 
its ability to win concessions for its sugar industry and engage in fairly 
unrestricted trade with the United States. The Caribbean orientation of the 
Spanish colonists in late colonial Florida is essential to understanding the 
history of the colony. Early historians of the period frequently interpreted late 
colonial society as predestined to failure, a vain Spanish attempt to prevent 
Florida from becoming part of the United States. In fact, it is important to 
recognize that Spaniards returned to Florida with the determination and the 
knowledge to make it a paying and prosperous settlement. 

The contingent of Spanish colonists who arrived in Florida in 1784 
came from the very center of the Spanish American possession which most 
benefited from free trade, entrepreneurial spirit, and commercial ties to the 
United States. They could not help but be aware of the economic revolution 
that was transforming the island of Cuba. Some of them were floridanos 
who had arrived in Havana only a year after its fall to the British. Others 
were native cubanos or, like Govenor Zespedes, were Old World Spaniards 
who had held important royal offices in Cuba during the earlv years of the 
sugar boom (Johnson 1989a; Tanner 1989). 

It is also with the Cuban model in mind that one must understand the 
willingness of Florida's governors to circumvent official Spanish policies in 
order to promote growth in Florida. The first governor, Vicente Manuel de 
Zespedes y Velasco (1784-1790) tried to resolve the colonies three major 
problems: defense, settlement, and finance. In what was to be characteristic of 
government in Florida during the late colonial period, Zespedes frequently 
waived or ignored official Spanish policies in order to achieve his ends. 



34 



The Creek and Seminole peoples posed an immediate threat to the 
colony. They controlled large areas of Florida and represented a military force 
which St. Augustine and its garrison could not counter. Maintaining 
peaceful relations was essential, and this in turn depended on a continuation 
of the trade network established by the English. Unable to find a Spanish 
provider for the Indian trade, Zespedes set aside Spanish trade law and 
granted a license to the British firm of Panton & Leslie Co. to continue 
trafficking with the Creeks and Seminoles. Panton & Leslie Co. retained a 
monopoly on the trade and held rights to deal directly with English ports in 
order to obtain trade goods (Tanner 1989; Whi taker 1931; Weber 1992). 

Zespedes also had to modify Spanish regulations on immigration in 
order to increase the population of Spanish East Florida. Early attempts to 
bring in more Spanish settlers or to accept non-Spanish settlers on condition 
that they convert to Catholicism failed to produce results. In 1790, adopting 
policies applied in Louisiana and Texas, Spain dropped religious restrictions 
and opened Florida to any settlers, provided they agreed to cultivate the land 
and pledged loyalty to the Spanish Crown (Cusick 1989; Weber 1992). The 
policy brought a steady stream of British and American settlers into the 
colony, followed later by French and Irish. It led to a resurgence of plantation 
agriculture and a sharp increase in the slave population. It also contributed to 
the most striking feature of late colonial society-that Spanish Florida was 
never destined to be mainly Spanish, or even Spanish American. Many 
different peoples would make up the colonial population: Seminole and 
Creek Indians, newly-independent Americans and old British loyalists, 
Spaniards and Minorcans, French exiles and Haitian revolutionaries, free 
blacks and black slaves, Catholics and Protestants (Griffin 1988, 1990; Johnson 
1989a, 1989b ; Landers 1988a; Parker 1990). 






35 



In matters of trade, attempts to evade Spanish regulations were even 
more overt. From 1784 onward Spanish Florida petitioned Spain for the 
same rights to trade that characterized Cuban commerce and emphasized the 
necessity of trading with the United States. Shortly after arriving in Florida, 
Zespedes wrote to a superior: "that a poor immigrant at the end of one year, 
when he has made his first crop, or a Minorcan with a wife and four or five 
children who does not earn half a peso fuerte a day, should have to provide 
his family with goods bought from that place [Havana] and feed them with 
food from New Spain-I must honestly say that I consider such a thing 
impossible even with the most industrious effort on their parts, at least until 
this country has developed several years with some measure of free trade" 
(Whitaker 1931: 57). This demand, initiated by Zespedes, was taken up and 
pressed by Governor Quesada. Both officials were encouraged by Spain's 
liberalization of trade restrictions as applied to Cuba and also by a royal cedula 
in 1782 that opened trade between France and Spanish Louisiana (Miller 1976; 
Weber 1992). Under pressure, Spain promulgated a new cedula in 1793 which 
granted Spanish Florida the right to trade with ports of nations allied or 
friendly to Spain. In some respects, this cedula simply legalized practices 
already underway. Throughout the 1780s, merchants in St. Augustine had 
been making regular trips to U.S. ports, exploiting a loophole in Spanish 
regulation which allowed Florida to import "emergency" provisions from 
nearby ports (Cusick 1991). Even so, through the cedulas of 1782 and 1793, 
Spain sanctioned a commercial freedom in its border colonies that, in 
practical terms, meant direct trade with Spanish America and the United 
States and indirect trade with much of Europe. 









Political Events in Spanish East Florida 
By the 1790s, Spanish East Florida had won every concession it desired; 
but events in Europe were about to catch up with the colony. The first crisis 
came in 1795, due in part to war with France and in part to the new 
immigration policy. Disaffected American settlers on the Florida-Georgia 
border, assisted by French agents, tried to usurp control of the colony. The 
second governor, Juan Nepomuceno Quesada (1790-1795), responded with a 
scorched earth policy, evacuating settlers from lands along the St. Johns and 
St. Mary's rivers, burning plantations, and seizing rebels and their 
possessions (Miller 1978). 

The successful slave uprising in French Saint Domingue in 1791, 
culminating in the revolution that created the new black republic of Haiti, 
also had a direct impact on developments in Florida. During the late 1790s 
French refugees from Saint Domingue began to arrive in St. Augustine. 
Ironically, they were shortly to be reunited with some of the revolutionaries 
who had expelled them. After 1796 Jorge Biassou, a free black military officer, 
was placed in charge of the free black militia. Biassou, a former slave on Saint 
Domingue, had joined Toussaint Louverture in leading the revolution in 
Haiti and later entered the Spanish military (Landers 1988b). 

The Napoleonic Era brought a surge in commerce but also renewed 
threats from an expanding United States. In 1806, as a response to war in 
Europe, U.S. president Thomas Jefferson signed the Non-Intercourse Act and 
followed it in 1807 with the Embargo Act, closing U.S. markets to imports 
from England and France (Ward 1989: 163). Spanish Florida capitalized on 
the embargo by opening the port of Amelia Island (later Fernandina) as an 
intermediary entrepot or transshipment point. Since the port was in neutral 
territory, U.S. and European merchants could rendezvous there to exchange 



36 



37 



cargos. Transshipment of goods through Fernandina soared between 1809 
and 1811 and the colonial government cooperated in the the quasi-legal trade 
in return for lucrative import and export duties (Ward 1989). 

With Spain in turmoil between 1808 and 1814, Spanish Florida entered 
a final period of unrest and instability. In 1812 Spanish troops suppressed 
another rebellion of American residents who had declared the independence 
of Fernandina and Amelia Island. In June 1817 a private army raised and led 
by Gregor MacDonald crossed from Georgia, captured Fernandina without 
significant resistance, and declared Amelia Island as the new and 
independent Republic of Florida. MacGregor acted ostensibly under direction 
from several Venzuelan agents for Spanish American Independence. A force 
of Spanish troops and local militia, sent from St. Augustine, failed to 
recapture Fernandina and local residents, although unsympathetic to 
MacDonald's cause, waited to see if the United States would intervene 
(Bushnell 1986: 5-6). In September, control of the town fell to Louis Aury, a 
French-born privateer, who used it as a base to raid U.S. shipping. When it 
became clear that the Republic of Florida was merely a front for piracy, U.S. 
forces seized Amelia Island and expelled its so-called liberators; but, despite 
protests from Spain, the United States refused to return the island to Spanish 
sovereignty (Bushnell 1986) 

In 1818 Andrew Jackson entered Florida to strike at the Creeks and 
Seminoles. Spain was again on the verge of civil war and had no hope of 
blocking an American take-over of the colony (Herold 1963: 231; Weber 1992). 
Ferdinand VII began negotiations to cede the territory to the United States. 
Transfer finally occurred in 1821, closing the final chapter on more than 200 
years of Spanish rule in Florida (Norris 1983). 









CHAPTER 4 

PORTRAIT OF A COMMUNITY: 

CULTURE AND CULTURE THEORY IN A ST. AUGUSTINE CONTEXT 



This chapter focuses on the central players in this analysis, the Spanish 
and Minorcan colonists of St. Augustine, who are represented by 
archaeological assemblages from several households. The criteria used to 
define social class and ethnicity also are discussed to give the reader an idea of 
where individual households fit in the social structure of St. Augustine 
society. The chapters that follow are concerned only with segments of the 
whole, with specific individuals, specific sites, specfic families, and the small 
world of mundane household things: the garments people wore, the plates 
and crockery they purchased, and the food they ate. These will be the basis for 
comparing upper and lower classes, Minorcans and Spaniards. Yet the 
archaeology of individual households can tell us little if treated in isolation. 
It is essential to embed archaeological data within the broader spectrum of the 
demography and material conditions of late colonial society in St. Augustine. 
The course of this chapter takes us from the general to the specific: first, to a 
broad view of St. Augustine's physical layout and population, then to the two 
components of that population under consideration, and finally to the 
households, their history and excavation. 

The chief reasons for St. Augustine's rebirth in the late colonial period 
was its old importance as a guardian of Spanish shipping and its new role 

38 



39 



as an Atlantic port town. Late colonial St. Augustine was a point in a larger 
network of trade and immigration which influenced and shaped colonial life. 
Although it was dwarfed in size by such Spanish American ports cities as 
Havana, Vera Cruz, and Cartagena, not to mention the cities of the United 
States, it nonetheless shared many characteristics with these places and fit, 
albeit as a small cog, into the machinery that drove the Atlantic commercial 
world. Like other Spanish American ports of the late eighteenth century, it 
benefitted from infusions of military spending for defense and from 
liberalized Spanish trading regulations. Like ports in general, it attracted a 
diverse aggregation of peoples, drawn from many nations, who brought with 
them not only their own cultures and languages, but also investments and 
occupational skills. Moreover, with the growth of shipping and commerce, 
colonial residents of St. Augustine had access to external markets and foreign 
goods on a scale not seen in earlier periods. Late colonial St. Augustine 
consisted of a multicultural society framed within a Spanish political and 
cultural milieu. It is the town's multiculturalism in this period which makes 
it a good choice as a community study dealing with social class and ethnicity. 

Demography 
Documentary sources on the resident population of St. Augustine in 
late colonial times are numerous. Those most generally used include the 
parish records; censuses for the years 1785, 1786, 1793, and 1813; maps of the 
town in 1788 and 1797 with keys to lots and ownership; tax records; and a list 
of non-Spanish residents, the Padron de los Extranieros. which recorded 
information on immigrants and ensured that they signed an oath of loyalty to 
the Spanish crown (EFP "Census Returns," Bundle 323a, reel 148; EFP 
"Loyalty Oaths," Bundle 350; Landers 1988a: 52). Unfortunately, no general 



40 



history of Spanish East Florida has yet been written. Data on population are 
scattered through dozens of books and articles. Even from this disjointed 
material, however, comes abundant evidence to justify the term 
multicultural when applied to the late colonial period. 

Until the early 1790s, Spanish settlers were the most affluent and 
important members of the colony, although they never made up a majority 
of the population (Johnson 1989a; Weber 1992). The Minorcans, a group of 
Mediterranean peoples, formed the core of the town's residents (see Table 4- 
1). After 1795, however, immigration brought many non-Spanish settlers to 
the colony and also saw a rapid increase in Africans held in slavery. 

Table 4-1. Population of St. Augustine 1786 (Excluding the Garrison) 



Spanish 


216 


Minorcan 


469 


Casta /Free black 


33 


European 


87 


Slave 


461 



Total 1266 

Source: Griffin 1990: 118; Johnson 1989b: 38; Landers 1988a: 58. 

All demographic studies of late colonial St. Augustine begin with the 
baseline data provided by the 1786 census conducted by Fr. Thomas Hasset, 
parish priest, as modified by subsequent research (see Table 4-1). The town's 
population consisted of 450 members of the Spanish garrison, 469 Minorcans, 
216 Spanish, cubano, or floridano civilians, 87 foreigners, 33 free blacks, and 
about 461 black slaves. Outside of town, an additional 130 settlers-mostly 
British and American--and 170 slaves lived on plantations along the St. Johns 



41 



and St. Mary's rivers (Dunkle 1958; Griffin 1990). This population of rural 
settlers increased to about 269 people by 1790 (Parker 1990: 59). 

St. Augustine's population changed throughout the end of the colonial 
period, subject to both Spanish policies and external world events. Two of the 
most important regulations affecting population growth were those dealing 
with slavery and immigration. 

Throughout the eighteenth century, Spanish government in Florida 
supported a sanctuary policy, establishing slaves' rights to manumission or 
the purchase of their freedom through coartacion. The policy also freed slaves 
who escaped from English colonies, provided they converted to Catholicism 
(Landers 1988a: 7-9). The sanctuary policy continued in effect until 1790 and 
led to a rise in the free black population of Spanish East Florida. After 1790, 
however, the growth of this segment of the population leveled off and 
remained at a little more than 100 people (see Table 4-2; see also Landers 
1988a: 214-215). The most important additions were the extended family and 
household of Jorge Biassou, one of the military leaders of the revolution in 
Haiti, subsequently a Spanish military officer living in Cuba, and finally the 
commander of the free black militia in Florida. Biassou and his entourage 
were stationed in St. Augustine in the early 1790s (Landers 1988b). 






Table 4-2. Free Black and Slave Population of St. Augustine 

IZ86 1788 1793 1797 1814 

Fr ee 33 63 126 102 122 

Slave 461 588 1527 483 1651 

Source: Johnson 1989b: 38; Landers 1988a: 58. 









42 



Also in 1790, the colonial govenment instituted a revised immigration 
policy, requiring non-Spanish subjects to take an oath of loyalty to Spain, but 
no longer requiring them to convert to Catholicism. The new system 
distributed land to immigrants based on the English headright system. Each 
household head received 100 acres of land, with an additional 50 for every 
person attached to the houshold; immigrants received title to the land after 10 
years residence (Landers 1988a: 52). 

Resulting immigration dramatically altered the demography of both St. 
Augustine and the outlying lands of East Florida along the St. Johns and St. 
Marys rivers. By 1795, the principally Spanish and Minorcan population of 
St. Augustine was already being joined by American, English, French, and 
Irish colonists (see Table 4-3). The suppression of rebellion in 1795 curtailed 
immigration for several years; however, between 1797 and 1804 there was a 
new and larger influx of Americans and Europeans into the town. 



Table 4-3. Non-Spanish Household Heads Arriving in St. Augustine 



Nationality 


1790-1795 


1796-1804 


American 


9 


111 


English 


2 


20 


French 


7 


45 


Irish 


28 


21 


Scottish 


8 


2 


Other 


\7 


6 



Source: Compiled from EFP, "Loyalty Oaths," Bundle 350, 1790-1804. 






43 



Immigration into St. Augustine reflected what was occurring more 
generally in the colony (see Table 4-4). The period of greatest immigration 
followed the 1795 rebellion and peaked in 1803 when approximately 500 new 
settlers entered the colony. Americans were the most numerous 
immigrants, but this should not obscure the fact that there were other 
significant movements of people. Irish and Scottish colonists arrived during 
most of the late eighteenth century, and French immigration picked up 
dramatically in the 1790s during the aftermath of the French and Haitian 
revolutions. With these arrivals, and allowing for duplications in the record 
and for emigration out of Florida, the non-Spanish population of the colony 
in the early nineteenth century consisted of at least 1,000 people, almost five- 
fold what it had been only two decades before. 

Table 4-4. Non-Spanish Immigration into Spanish East Florida 

Year American English French Irish Scottish Other 

1791 127 19 8 54 12 54 

1792 36 4 29 20 3 1 

1793 40 49 9 5 3 

1794 1 

1795 2 

1796 8 

1797 37 6 

1798 11 27 
1799 

1800 60 1 18 5 1 8 

1801 79 1 7 20 

1802 94 13 4 18 8 4 

1803 320 20 10 59 52 36 

1804 208 25 15 17 1 6 

Totals 986 132 155 202 88 112 

Source: Compiled from EFP, "Loyalty Oaths", Bundle 350, 1790-1804. 



44 



The other major effect of immigration was to convert Spanish East 
Florida permanently to a plantation economy in which the majority of labor 
depended on slavery. Of the 4,351 people recorded as entering Florida 
between 1800 and 1804, 3,241-or approximately three-quarters-were slaves 
(EFP, "Loyalty Oaths," bundle 350, 1790-1804). 

In all these respects, Spanish East Florida followed demographic trends 
apparent throughout the other Spanish frontier territories in the North 
American-West Florida, Louisiana, and Texas-as well as trends in the 
Spanish Caribbean. Like other frontier colonies, Florida was largely 
populated by a diverse peoples from outside Spain and Spanish America 
(Weber 1992). Like Cuba, and to a lesser extent Puerto Rico, its port towns 
acted as a magnet for immigrants and as a haven for free peoples of color 
(Duany 1985; Kuethe 1991; Knight 1970). St. Augustine, and later Fernandina, 
would become sanctuaries of free blacks and mulattos while the countryside 
of Spanish Florida became the domain of slavery (Landers 1988a). 

Yet numbers alone do not reveal the full impact immigration had on 
the development of Spanish East Florida. People were not distributed 
randomly over the landscape, nor, for that matter, across occupations. This is 
evident from looking at the conjunction of settlers, geography, and 
occupations. 

Urban and rural areas in Spanish Florida developed along different 
trajectories. The northern hinterlands, as numerous studies have shown, 
were increasingly settled by British or American families engaged in 
agriculture and ranching (Parker 1990). This was somewhat mitigated by the 
fact that important plantation families also had town residences in either St. 
Augustine or Fernandina. Fernandina matured as a port for exporting cotton 
and lumber during the nineteenth century and by 1813 the town and its 



45 



surroundings had a population of 428 free whites, 41 free blacks and mulattos, 
and 838 slaves (Landers 1988a: 61; Ward 1989). Yet a basic town/countryside 
dichotomy remained. 

In the more heterogeneous and complex town of St. Augustine, 
wealth, status, occupation, and ethnic background all influenced where 
people lived. The physical layout of St. Augustine was dictated by 
surrounding topography and Spanish regulations on the design of New 
World cities (see Figure 2). The town lay on low coastal ground. To the west 
it was bordered by Maria Sanchez Creek and to the south and east by the 
Matanzas River (Deagan 1983). The Matanzas served as the town's harbor 
and was separated from the Atlantic Ocean by the thin barrier island of 
Anastasia Island. On the north side of town both the harbor entrance and the 
city gates were protected by the Castillo de San Marcos, the massive coquina- 
block fort which had been built in the late seventeenth century and had 
dominated St. Augustine's topography ever since. Walls enclosed the town 
on all sides and from the north gate ran the King's Road towards Georgia. St. 
Augustine was subject to flooding but its location, encircled by fortifications 
and marshes, provided excellent defense (Johnson 1989a: 47-48). 

Within the walls, the town resembled many Spanish American towns, 
laid out in a grid pattern with a central plaza-a pattern which the British had 
not altered. High government officials and civil servants, wealthy 
merchants, and other affluent people resided around the plaza or in the 
blocks immediately south (Johnson 1989b: 28). Also in this area lived people 
associated with the hospital and barracks, both located at the south end of 
town. Soldiers and military widows had homes near Castillo de San Marcos 
and some people engaged in commerce lived near the waterfront, which also 




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47 



housed commercial warehouses (Johnson 1989b: 28-29). The northern section 
of town became known as the Minorcan Quarter. It had been 
given to Minorcans during the British Period as a place to settle and most still 
lived in it (Griffin 1990). Also in the northern section were some returning 
floridanos who had reclaimed lots owned by their families in earlier times. 

The free population practiced a variety of professions and some 
occupations correlated closely with particular groups. Government and civil 
service positions were wholly in the hands of Spaniards and a few Irish who 
undertook service with Spain. Occupations for this period are difficult to 
quantify, since many people practiced more than one means of gaining a 
livelihood. Table 4-5 presents some of the available data on who did what 
within different segments of the population. More specific information on 
occupations is presented in Appendix A. The data are not comprehensive 
and are compiled from a variety of years; however, they offer an 
approximation of occupational strata in St. Augustine. 

Spanish residents monopolized government positions. There are 57 
Spanish individuals accounted for under "Public Employees" in Table 4-5. 
From this, one can estimate that 50 percent of adult Spanish males held 
government positions and half of these had prestigious positions in civil 
service or the military. Those Spanish colonists not engaged by the civil 
service, and therefore not represented in Table 4-5, tended to be merchants or 
cattle ranchers, although some practiced trades (Johnson 1989b: 41-44). 
Military officers were either Spaniards or Irishmen and the colony had a 
Spanish chaplain at the hospital, two Irish priests who served the colony's 
Catholic parish, and two Minorcan priests who headed the Catholic parish of 
the Minorcans. 



48 



By contrast, the majority of Minorcans were farmers, fishermen, 
sailors, or artisans. Minorcans, free blacks, and Seminole Indians all played 
key roles in supplying farm produce, game, and fish to St. Augustine (Griffin 
1990; Landers 1988a). 

Other European groups were also divided among agriculture, 
commerce, and trades. Among Irish immigrants named in the Padron de los 
Extranjeros between 1790 and 1804, about 45 percent listed their occupations as 
farmer or merchants. The remainder were largely tradesmen, especially 
carpenters, tailors, and shoemakers or cobblers. Half of the French 
immigrants were engaged in farming or commerce, but there were also 
numerous carpenters, bakers, and doctor/surgeons, as well as a saddle-maker, 
a coppersmith, and a barber. 

Table 4-5 represents the free population only. Although many free 
persons did day-labor, Spanish East Florida was a slave economy. The burden 
of clearing forests, havesting crops, and tending cattle fell largely on Africans 
forced into labor under slavery (Landers 1988a: 216). The slave population 
also included many skilled laborers; however, as the plantation economy 
grew, relatively few slaves, skilled or otherwise, succeeded in purchasing 
their freedom. African slaves took the place of native Americans as the labor 
pool which supported Spanish Florida's economy. 

Spaniards and Minorcans 
Demographic and occupational data delimit the parameters of St. 
Augustine's society. But from the outset, and at the heart of this colony, were 
two peoples with shared cultural backgrounds but radically different New 
World experiences: Spaniards and Minorcans. There can be little question 
that St. Augustine had a diverse population in late colonial times. Yet it is 



49 



debatable whether the people in various immigrant segments-American, 
British, French, or Irish— had anything more in common with one another 
than nation of origin. The Spaniards and Minorcans, however, present a 
different case. Two major social lines shaped and divided these groups: class 
affiliation and ethnic cohesion. 



Table 4-5. Distribution of Occupations Across Some Segments 
of St Augustine's Late Eighteenth-Century Population 



Occupation Spanish 


Minorcan 


Free Black 


French 


Irish 


Public Employees 












Government Official 


15 










Military Commander 


3 








2 


Priest 


1 


2 






2 


Physician /Surgeon 


2 










Master Artisan 


9 










Hospital Staff 


15 










Hospital Servants 


12 










Farmer 




59 




15 


30 


Fisher 




14 


1 






Mariner 




46 


1 


12 


3 


Artisan 


n/a 


42 


10 


22 


40 


Physician/Surgeon 








3 




Servants / Domes tics 


n/a 




9 






Merchant/ Retailer 


n/a 


11 


1 


20 


16 



Source: Griffin 1990: 152; Johnson 1989b; Landers 1988a: 70; Lockey 1949: 198- 
199, 202-204; EFP, "Loyalty Oaths," Bundle 350, 1790-1804. 



The following profiles of the Spanish and Minorcan communities in 
St. Augustine do not claim to be comprehensive. More complete discussions 
can be found in a series of historical works (see Griffin 1983; Johnson 1989a, 
1989b; and Tanner 1989, for Spanish culture; Griffin 1988, 1990; Poitrineau 



50 



1988; Quinn 1975; and Rasico 1987,1990, for Minorcan). Here the focus is on 
providing background history on the two groups and on demonstrating why 
the Minorcans, of all groups in the colony, can be identifed as an ethnic 
group. 

The Spanish Colonists 

As previously noted, about 216 Spanish colonists arrived in St. 
Augustine in the early 1780s as permanent residents. This grouped formed 
the core Spanish population, as opposed to soldiers who were rotated in and 
out of St. Augustine according to need (Johnson 1989b). Roughly a third of 
the colonists were native-born Spaniards, a third were Spanish Americans 
from Cuba, and a third were former residents of Spanish Florida or heirs to 
estates in Florida (Dunkle 1958; Johnson 1989b: 36). Although this group 
included servants, laborers, and artisans, by and large, it represented members 
of the Spanish gentry and middle classes, engaged either as civil servants in 
the colonial government, as military officers, as staff at the hospital, or as 
merchants and ranchers. Most of these colonists grew up on Cuba or lived 
substantial parts of their lives there. In many respects what distinguished 
them as a cultural group were characteristics prevalent in Spanish American 
society in Havana during the late eighteenth century. 

General accounts of Havana's Spanish American elite in the late 
eighteenth century described it as urbane and cosmopolitan, with a respect for 
the latest fashions in Madrid (Allahar 1984; Kuethe 1991) and the newest 
cuisine from France (Merlin 1974). The city's emerging noveau riche 
consisted of a Creole elite, some with titles, engaged as sugar planters and 
ranchers; royal officials from Spain; and a mercantile class with close ties to 
U.S. merchants-an association begun during the flour trade of the 1780s 






51 



(Kuethe 1984: 19). Habanero s had easy access to foreign traders, since Havana 
boasted a sizeable enclave of non-Spanish commercial agents, including 
Americans from Philadelphia and Baltimore and French from Saint 
Domingue and the Louisiana territories (Knight 1970: 13; Kuethe 1991; Lewis 
1984; Salvucci 1984). Havana's elite admired the economic progress of the 
United States and fully embraced the new spirit of enterprise alive in Spanish 
America (Knight 1970: 6-8). They organized new societies for economic 
advancement and dispatched members to the British West Indies to study 
methods of improving sugar production (Knight 1970). Although they may 
have been considered provincial by Old World Spaniards, in fact they were 
conversant with many of the" ideas embodied in the Spanish Enlightenment 
and followed European affairs closely. Those who could afford it sent their 
children to be educated in Europe. 

The colonists who came to Florida in the 1780s created a society that in 
many ways was a microcosm of this larger society. As previously noted, 
Spanish colonists in Florida were town-oriented and drew their income 
largely from civil service, landed estates, and commerce (Johnson 1989b). 
Already, from the previous chapter, it is easy to see parallels between the 
Spaniards of St. Augustine and their counterparts in Havana. The actions of 
Governor Zespedes in the 1780s reveal a man willing to adapt or modify 
Spanish policies on mercantilism and immigration in order to secure a 
thriving plantation economy and commercial base for Florida (Tanner 1989). 
This was also the attitude of the next governor, Quesada, and those in Florida 
who advised him on colonial policy (Miller 1981; Romero Cabot 1985). Nor 
were the governors' attitudes unique or idiosyncratic. Other wealthy 
Spaniards in St. Augustine maintained much of the cosmopolitan character 
noted of habanero s. Letters from the 1780s attest to interest in French fashion 



52 



and French food on formal occasions in St. Augustine (Tanner 1989). There 
are surviving probate inventories for the private libraries of four heads of 
households (see Appendix B): Don Miguel Yznardy, merchant and colonial 
translator; Don Juan Jose Bousquet, surgeon at the hopital; Don Jose Maria de 
la Torre, commander of the Third Cuban Infantry Batallion; and Don Enrique 
White, an Irish officer in the Hibernian Regiment, who became the colony's 
fourth governor. While these individuals obviously represent some of the 
wealthiest people in the colony, they provide at least some idea of Spanish 
colonists' connections to a wider world. It is evident from the libraries that 
all of these men were conversant, if not fluent, in more than one language, 
and that they were cognizant of Enlightenment ideas and philosophies. 

Yznardy perhaps epitomized the worldly and well-travelled Spanish 
commercial agent of the day. His library included Spanish-to-English and 
French-to-English dictionaries, volumes on English grammar and spelling, as 
well as French-to-Italian and French-to-German dictionaries. The merchant's 
leisure reading included books in three languages, among them works by 
Tomas a Kempis in English, The Adventures of Telemaco. probably an 
English translation of a moral allegory by the French writer Fenelon (1651- 
1715), and several volumes of The Letters of Chesterfield, a popular collection 
of worldly essays giving advice on manners by Philip Dormer Stanmore, 
Fourth Earl of Chesterfield (1694-1773) (see Appendix A). 

Other probates provide additional insight into the life and times of 
members of the Spanish elite in Florida. Colonel Jose Maria de la Torre 
owned the ubiquitous Spanish-to-French and Spanish-to-English dictionaries 
mentioned in all four probates, a half dozen volumes on military subjects, 
Don Quixote, the Commentaries of Julius Caesar, and a compendium of 
writings by the French naturalist Buffon. Bousquet had an extensive library 



53 



of 71 volumes: 18 volumes by the French encyclopaediests; Spanish-to-French 
and Spanish-to-English dictionaries (including a pocket edition of the latter); 
books on medicine in Latin, French, and English; works on natural history; 
two copies of Imitation of Christ by a Kempis; and another, Moral Reflections, 
which was probably an English translation of Maximas . The library of White, 
govenor from 1796 to 1811, included essays on the French Revolution, books 
on government in England and the United States, numerous maps and 
atlases, and writings by the chemist Joseph Priestley. 

Overall, these titles typify the intellectual interests of Spanish 
American elites throughout the colonies during late colonial times. As noted 
by several authors, the making of the Enlightenment in Spain took on a 
characteristic different from Northern Europe, coupling religious 
conservatism with a new-found fascination for "reason, science, practicality, 
and simple clarity of expression" (Lockhart and Schwartz 1983: 344). This was 
abundantly clear among the reformers around Charles III, who advocated 
Enlightenment theories on economy and government without embracing the 
notions of liberty and equality that infused the U.S. Founding Fathers or the 
French Revolutionaries. This same attitude, transferred to the colonies, was 
amply reflected in St. Augustine. A review of the titles (presented in 
Appendix B) shows that religious works, largely by seventeenth-century or 
medieval moralists, were coupled with contemporary works on science- 
especially natural science, medicine, mathematics, chemistry, and the works 
of the French philosophies. This is in keeping with what has been noted of 
Brazil during late colonial times: "One manifestation of the Enlightement in 
Brazil before 1808 was the serious examination of the natural environment. 
Geography and biology gained a wider audience. The collection and 
classification of indigenous plants became popular among some intellectuals. 









54 









And naturalists helped instill a growing pride in Brazil and an awareness of 
its uniqueness" (Burkholder and Johnson 1991: 256). 

Although government positions were concentrated within the 
Spanish community, status and prestige varied by reason of wealth. The 
governor, the surgeon, and the master of the shipyard were all hidalgos by 
right of birth. But the governor's annual income was 5,000 pesos, that of the 
surgeon and the head of the shipyard under 500 pesos (see Appendix B). 

Did the Spanish community constitute an ethnic group? The evidence 
suggests that they are perhaps better conceived of as a cultural group. Indeed, 
as pointed out in social histories, membership in this group was not closed to 
outsiders (Johnson 1989a, 1989b). Irish in the service of Spain gained entry 
and Spanish colonists also intermarried with some well-to-do English, 
German, and Minorcan families (Johnson 1989b). But it would be incorrect to 
think that because the group was permeable it had no self-identity. 
Distinctions of law and social status still separated this group from others, as 
evident in the documents of the times. 

The Spanish colonial government divided the residents of St. 
Augustine and Spanish Florida according to numerous criteria, including 
whether they were natural subjects of Spain and whether they were Catholic 
or Protestant. Just as important were the distinctions Spanish, Minorcan, free 
black, or European. Census roles were divided into these subcategories and 
militias were composed based on these groups (Griffin 1990; Johnson 1988b; 
Landers 1988a; Poitrineau 1987). Parish records of baptisms and marriages 
reflected similar breakdowns. From an official viewpoint, at any rate, there 
was no avoiding categorization. 

Continuing respect for hidalguia as an element of social class also 
placed barriers between this segment of the colonial population and others. 



55 



Nobility of birth still required fulfillment of the same expectations as in 
earlier periods: "A gentleman was expected to 'live decently', maintaining 
the dignity of his estate whether or not his means were adequate. Open- 
handedness and lavish display were not the idiosyncracies of individuals but 
the realities of class, the characteristics that kept everyone with pretensions to 
hidalguia searching for sources of income" (Bushnell 1981:16). Hidalgufa, 
occupation, and income seem to have been the criteria for rank in St. 
Augustine (Johnson 1989b). The importance of these variables is evident in 
an episode from the life of the Zespedes family. One of the govenor's 
daughters, Dominga, fell in love with Juan O'Donovan, a low-ranking officer 
in the Hibernian Regiment. The governor tried to discourage the romance, 
but Dominga and Juan managed to recite the vows of a clandestine marriage 
within the hearing of Miguel O'Reilly, parish priest, and two witnesses- 
making their marriage legal under Spanish law (Tanner 1989). The marriage 
created a scandal that reverberated even as far as Madrid, and Zespedes 
immediately had O'Donovan arrested, although ultimately he acceded to the 
marriage as a fait accompli (Tanner 1989). His letter to his superiors, 
requesting that the marriage be approved, carried his dual concerns over 
O'Donovan's lack of pedigree and lack of income. 



Some time ago, Sublieutenant Juan O'Donovan of the Hibernia 
Infantry Regiment had the boldness to request of me the hand of 
one of my two daughters in marriage. My answer was non- 
commital (rather for motives of prudence than with any idea of 
yielding to his pretension). I told him that nobility of birth was 
an indispensable requisite and that he ought to give proof of 
possessing means sufficient to support my daughter with a 
decency corresponding to her birth. . . . Apart from seeing my 
daughter united with a person who, I understand, has no other 
means than his salary as an officer, I found this incident highly 






56 



disagreeable for several other reasons. The lack of respect for my 
position touched me to the quick [and] the fear that this officer 
would take my daughter with him to Providence [a British 
colony in the Bahamas] assailed me. (Lockey 1949: 549-550) 



The Minorcan Colonists 

In contrast to the urban, middle-class contingent of Spanish colonists 
in St. Augustine was the group which has come to be known in local and 
regional histories as the Minorcans, or sometimes as the Mahoneses. The 
Minorcans originally comprised a diverse group of Mediterranean 
immigrants of largely peasant background from Greece, Italy, and the Balearic 
Islands southeast of Spain. The majority of the group were natives of 
Minorca, the northernmost of the Balearics. In the Old World, they made 
their living primarily through herding, farming, or fishing, and also counted 
many skilled artisans among their number (Griffin 1990). 

Although Minorcans were similar to the peoples of the Catalonian 
regions of Spain in language, culture, and religion, they did not arrive in 
Florida as part of Spanish endeavors at colonization. Rather, they came in 
1768 during the period of British rule, recruited as indentured servants by 
Andrew Turnbull, a Scottish entrepreneur, who needed laborers to work on 
his indigo plantation at New Smyrna, 60 miles south of St. Augustine (Rasico 
1990). From the beginning, the privations of these immigrants counted 
among the worst of any immigrant group that came to the New World. 
Turnbull had convinced British investors to underwrite food and supplies for 
a community of 500 people; but he brought more than 1400 immigrants and 
stranded them in uncleared swampland with little more than palmetto huts 
for shelter (Griffin 1990; Rasico 1990). One hundred and forty eight people 



57 



died during the Atlantic crossing, and 627 more perished during the first two 
years at New Smyrna from disease, hunger, exposure, and mistreatment. In 
1777, when the survivors petitioned the British governor to nullify their 
indentures and allow them to settle in St. Augustine, only 419 of the original 
group remained. In testimony before the governor, some recalled being 
starved, flogged, manacled, and driven to the fields from their sickbeds by 
Turnbull's overseers (Quinn 1975; Rasico 1990:147-157). 

After their relocation to St. Augustine, the Minorcans settled in the 
northern section of town, a run-down area unused by the British and 
subsequently known as the Minorcan Quarter. By this time the few Italians 
and Greeks remaining in the group had intermarried with Minorcan families 
and Minorcan traditions and language predominated. The former 
indentured servants began to acquire small parcels of land north of St. 
Augustine and would journey daily from their homes in town to work small 
garden plots (Griffin 1990). Most combined farming or another profession 
with seasonal fishing. As Catholics in an English and Protestant colony, the 
Minorcans were suspected of being sympathetic to Spanish desires of 
recapturing Florida. They were also regarded as possible allies of American 
rebels to the north. With the outbreak of the American Revolution, British 
troops stationed in St. Augustine mistreated Minorcan residents. On at least 
one occasion, soldiers invaded the Quarter, kidnapped a husband and wife, 
and released them only after raping the woman (Rasico 1990). In spite of 
prejudice and abuse, Minorcans managed to improve their circumstances, 
making a living as farmers, fisherman, and mariners. By the close of the 
American Revolution, they were essential to St. Augustine's agricultural and 
maritime food base, and a few families accumulated sufficient capital to enter 
commerce and shipping (Griffin 1988, 1990). 






58 



Whereas the Spanish component of St. Augustine might better be 
called a cultural rather than an ethnic group, scholars have little hesitancy in 
attributing strong ethnic cohesion to the Minorcans. It will be recalled from 
Chapter 2 that the criteria set forth for calling a group "ethnic" were evidence 
for "common origins and culture, endogamy, and boundaries-whether they 
be physical, like the streets of a town, or social, like marriage patterns-that 
demarcate the group from a larger or more inclusive society." The Minorcan 
community meets all these criteria and in some respects also evinces 
evidence of that affective tie which is central to many definitions of ethnicity. 

The Minorcans under British rule were quintessentially endogamous. 
They lived exclusively within the Quarter, married only among themselves, 
continued to use Catalan as their principal language, and maintained their 
own parish in order to practice Catholicism (Griffin 1990; Rasico 1990). 
Although made up of several Mediterranean peoples, intermarriage and the 
traumatic experiences of the indigo plantation had fused them into one group 
by the time of their relocation from New Smyrna to St. Augustine (Griffin 
1990). Moreover, in St. Augustine, where they were free to establish 
households as they saw fit, Minorcans followed their Old World cultural 
traditions by clustering in groups based on town of birth on Minorca (Griffin 
1990: 162-183). Land use and farming systems were also based on Minorcan 
practices. 

The return of Spanish rule to Florida in 1783 opened up various 
opportunities to this group. The same treaty that gave Spain control of 
Florida also gave it control of Minorca, so that the Minorcans of Florida 
became subjects of the King of Spain (Lockey 1949). The evacuation of British 
settlers also left farmland open for possession and Minorcans began to 
petition for rights to purchase this land (Griffin 1990). The Spanish 






59 



government, needing settlers for Florida, and clearly glad to have Catholics 
with cultural affiliations to Spain, confirmed rights to property made by the 
British and allowed Minorcans to purchase additional lands. 

Yet the endogamy that characterized the Minorcan community in the 
British Period did not disappear. It was mitigated as wealthy Minorcans 
settled in other parts of the city, but most of the community remained 
geographically situated in the Quarter (Griffin 1990: 135-149; Johnson 1988b). 

Other factors also continued to separate Minorcans from other 
segments of the population. One of these was language. Although many 
Minorcans probably knew Spanish or English, their native language was 
Catalan. Catholic services for the Minorcans were performed in Catalan and 
it was also the language of daily household use. " Spanish, the official 
language of the province of East Florida, was in fact spoken by only a small 
element of the civilian population; and, undoubtably, the language which 
was heard most often in the streets of St. Augustine was Minorcan Catalan" 
(Rasico 1990: 126). 

The importance of controlling language was not lost on the Spanish 
colonial government. In an attempt to promote assimilation of Minorcans, 
the government established a public school and prohibited Minorcan pupils 
from speaking any language other than Spanish (Griffin 1988). This policy in 
itself suggests that the use of Catalan operated as a boundary between 
Minorcans and Spaniards. After the school was established Minorcans 
probably became bilingual, although use of Catalan as a "first" language 
continued to the end of the nineteenth century, well after the period under 
consideration here (Rasico 1990: 126-127). The Minorcan parish also 
remained separate from the official colonial parish until after the death of the 
Minorcans principal priest, Fr. Pedro Camps, in 1790. 



60 



Beyond these criteria, there is some evidence to suggest a true affective 
bond among Minorcans. Griffin, who has done the most extensive work on 
the early community, noted that in addition to linkages through marriage 
and settlement pattern, Minorcans also frequently bound themselves together 
through the institution of compadrazgo, a god-parent relationship which 
established a fictive kinship between the sponsors of children and the 
childrens' parents (1990: 166-169). The institution has a long history both in 
Spain and the Mediterranean, as well as in the Spanish New World. For the 
Minorcans in Florida, however, it seemed to operate as an additional 
mechanism for maintaining unity. Griffin thinks the compadrazgo assumed 
special importance in Florida where, due to emigration and death, it was not 
always possible to have blood kin as godparents. After the return of Florida to 
Spanish rule poorer Minorcans also relied on compadrazgo to maintain kin 
affiliation with wealthier members of the group (Griffin 1990: 183). 

The conclusion of ethnohistorians who have studied the origins of the 
Florida Minorcans and their subsequent history through the nineteenth and 
twentieth centuries is that they exhibited considerable physical and cultural 
cohesiveness as a group. Griffin noted the continuation of many xMinorcan 
traditions during the late colonial period, including aspects of dress, diet, 
sytems for naming children, and entertainment (1990: 163-183). Rasico, in 
another study, concluded "The Minorcans formed a relatively closed cultural 
subunit, a type of ethnolinguistic ghetto nearly independent of the society to 
which the other inhabitants of St. Augustuine belonged, until well into the 
nineteenth century" (1990: 76). In all these respects, the Minorcans of St. 
Augustine can be said to fairly meet the criteria of what in social science 
would be termed an ethnic group. 



61 

Assimilation or Non-assimilation? 

The re-establishment of Spanish rule in St. Augustine thus occured in 
conjunction with a growth in population, a surge in commerce, and the 
juxtaposition of diverse peoples. Social hierarchy was based on a Spanish 
American system for assigning rank. As in Havana and other areas of 
Spanish America, there was a color bar in St. Augustine which relegated 
persons of color to inferior social positions (Johnson 1988a: 79; Landers 1988a). 
Considerations of hidalguia, occupation, and income governed entrance into 
the elite. The dominant milieu in the colony was Spanish and within this 
milieu the Minorcans-despite being more numerous than the Spaniards- 
were an ethnic minority. Yet with the growth of commerce and affluence in 
St. Augustine, the route was open for well-to-do Minorcans to merge into the 
colonial middle class. 

The study of material culture, both through documents and 
archaeology, provides one means of assessing whether ethnicity continued to 
play an important role in social life after the return of Florida to Spanish rule. 
The existence of a strong ethnic boundary between Spaniards and Minorcans 
should be marked by differences in material culture and foodways across all 
socioeconomic levels. On the other hand, if prosperous Minorcans lived in 
much the same way as Spaniards of the same rank, there should be detectable 
similarities in household material culture and diet within socioeconomic 
levels. The theoretical underpinnings of comparing household possesions 
are discussed in subsequent chapters. However, one influence on peoples' 
material world was so basic that it will be dealt with immediately. To study 
how material culture varied by household, one has to assume that the range 
of goods available in St. Augustine was sufficiently varied; otherwise all 
households would look identical. Obviously, people could only purchase 



62 



what was available on the market. A consideration of St. Augustine's market 
system, the flow of commodities into the town, and the price structure of 
goods demonstrates that colonists indeed had a wide-ranging choice of 
consumables subject to their incomes and inclinations. 

Documentary Evidence for Consumerism in St. Augustine 
A full explication of the economy of colonial St. Augustine at the end 
of the eighteenth century is not possible; only a few aspects of economy have 
been thoroughly researched (see Bermudez 1989 on the topic of colonial 
finance; Romero Cabot 1983; Tornero Tinajero 1979; Ward 1989; and 
Whitaker 1931 on commercial policy and trade). What can be demonstrated 
is that St. Augustine was widely engaged in trade, that colonists had access to 
a wide assortment of commodities, and that these differed according to quality 
and price. Based on this, it would be reasonable to assume that differences in 
peoples' possessions were a function of their economic position and other 
factors. With this in mind, the focus here is on two points: the growth of 
trade and commerce which contributed to commodity flow and the 
availability of a wide array of goods at different prices. 

Information about the financing of the colony is available from the 
studies cited above and will not be dealt with here. 

Evidence for a growth in commerce and an emerging merchant 
network based in St. Augustine comes from the archives of the colonial 
shipping records. From these it is clear that St. Augustine traded regularly 
with ports up and down the Atlantic coast. Charleston and Havana became 
St. Augustine's first and second most important trade connections and 
retained this status throughout the late colonial period (see Table 4-6). 
Shipping arrivals also reflected the importance of these two ports (see Cusick 



63 



1991: Table 1). However, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Savannah 
in the United States and Guarico on the island of Hispaniola were also 
regular parts of the trade circuit. The United States was a major supplier of 
foodstuffs-especially grains and meats. In this respect, Florida's trade with 
the United States was similar to Cuba's, which was also an importer of grains 
and other staples from U.S. factors. 

Table 4-6. Overall Volume of Goods by Major Ports (in pesos) 





1787 


1794 


1803 


Overall Value 








of Imports 


113,427 


66,521 


67,962 


Major ports 








Charleston 
Havana 
New York 
Philadelphia 
Savannah 


43,655 
23,500 
22,090 
11,041 
1,693 


29,656 
28,100 

3,871 


25,688 

22,769 

4,216 

7.493 



Source: Cusick 1991: 287 

St. Augustine's merchants went to Havana, on the other hand, 
primarily for goods from Spain and Mexico, and for Caribbean products such 
as sugar, rum, and coffee. This pattern of commodity flow is apparent both in 
cargo manifests for individual ships and in overall trends in imports. For 
example, in February 1787 at least three ships were at anchor in the quiet 
waters of the Matanzas. Domingo Martinelli, Italian-born captain of the 
schooner San Pedro , had just completed a voyage to Philadelphia, one of six 
voyages which colonial shipping records show he would make that year, 



64 



including two to Havana (EFP, Bundles 215G17 and 216H17, reels 92-93, 
February 5, 1787). Also in port was the sloop San Abiguel, captained by its 
owner, Miguel Yznardy, the colonial translator, who had just arrived from 
New York. The third vessel in port, the schooner Maria, captained by Don 
Jose Aguirre, had been to Havana and was already off-loading its cargo. 

The consignments of these ships tell us much about St. Augustine's 
economic life-line in the 1780s and 1790s. All of these ships were locally 
owned, private merchantmen engaged either on private business or under 
contract to the governor to bring emergency supplies. Their ports of call and 
cargos accurately reflect the pattern of commodity flow that characterized 
Spanish East Florida (see Cusick 1991). Trade with U.S. ports, though not 
completely free of restrictions until 1793, was already routine and crucial to 
the colony's food supply. The hold of the ship from Philadelphia contained 
100 barrels of flour, 3 pipes of brandy, 10 barrels of beans, 30 barrels and 37 kegs 
of lard, 43 barrels of butter, 400 pounds of salted fish, 500 strings of onions, 400 
pounds of cheese, 12 kegs of barley, 4 barrels of rice, and 45 kegs of biscuit. 

Yznardy's ship from New York held a similar cargo: 56 barrels of 
turpentine, 2 barrels of nails, 60 barrels of potatos, 16 barrels of beef, 20 barrels 
of butter, 10 barrels of lard, 1600 strings of onions, 12 barrels of bread, 1000 
pounds of cheese, 14 barrels of salted fish, and other goods (EFP, "Shipping 
Arrivals," Bundles 215G17 and 216H17, reels 92-93, February 6, 1787). 

The cargo from Havana typifed the other pole of St. Augustine's trade 
network. Private trade to Havana concentrated on importing products of 
Spain, Mexico, and the Caribbean (see Cusick 1991: 289-294 and Table 4). The 
Maria held consignments of sugar and rum from Cuba, brandy from Spain 
and the Canaries, wine and pottery from Catalonia, and shoes from 
Campeche. Government and family connections between Havana and St. 



65 



Augustine were also apparent, not only in consignments of goods, but in 
transfers of money. Thus Captain Aguirre brought 750 pesos fuertes for Don 
Antonio Fernandez, captain of the dragoons, and 500 pesos fuertes for Don 
Miguel O'Reilly, the parish priest (EFP, "Shipping Arrivals," Bundles 215G17 
and 216H17, reels 92-93, February 3, 1787). 

Records on food imports for the years 1787, 1794, and 1803 provide 
similar data. Foodstuffs were the major imported good throughout the late 
colonial period (see Cusick 1991). As shown in Table 4-7, most grains, meats, 
and other staples came from ports in the United States (see also Cusick 1991; 
Tornero Tinajero 1979). The principle commodity from Havana was sugar. 

Table 4-7. Food Imported into St. Augustine 1787, 1794, 1803 

(value in pesos) 





Fish 


Grain 


Oils/Fats 


Meats 


Produce 


Sugar 
77 


Charleston 


5,048 


21,574 


30,090 


4,876 


3,863 


Havana 


34 





2,114 


83 


565 


25,706 


New York 


1,733 


4,030 


11,454 


3,045 


2,034 


22 


Philadelphia 


608 


2,141 


2,950 


629 


796 





Savannah 


43 


6,183 


1,845 


355 


86 






Source: Cusick 1991: 290, Table 4. 






Commerce was also essential to providing St. Augustine with other 
commodities. Like all Spanish American markets, consumerism in St. 
Augustine was rewritten by the emerging Industrial Revolution. Spanish 
colonists had always been apt to trade with British, Dutch, or French 
merchants; the trade, though illegal, was the cheapest means-sometimes the 
only means-of acquiring goods (Grahn 1991: 175-178; Harman 1969; Parry 
1966: 293-297). In the late eighteenth century, however, European 






66 



manufactures flooded American markets. This was in part due to the rise of 
the British navy and merchant marine, in part due to lifting of Spanish trade 
restrictions, and in part due to the growth of mass-production in goods like 
textiles and tablewares (Brading 1987: 316-137). 

The extent to which St. Augustine relied upon imports may seem 
exorbitant. In actuality, it was probably not far out of line with economic 
activity in surrounding areas. Previous chapters noted the huge market Cuba 
provided for imports from the United States. In addition, research into 
consumerism in the Thirteen Colonies suggested that, on average, by the 
time of the American Revolution colonies spent approximately 30 percent of 
per capita income on imported goods (Shammas 1990). Nor was the demand 
for imports much different from that evinced in Spanish Florida. "Great 
quantities of sugar, rum, tea, textiles, clothing, and in some places grain 
flooded in" (Shammas 1990: 292). 

But to study consumer behavior in St. Augustine, we must also 
assume there was variability in the type of goods available. Did people have a 
choice about what they could buy? Again, the colonial records suggest that 
they did. 

Some evidence for a cash economy and variable pricing in St. 
Augustine comes from the correspondence of the governor. In a letter to his 
superiors in 1784-1785, Zespedes beleaguered the colonies need for more 
currency, saying, "I have learned to my great sorrow, that there are days 
when, though the plaza be filled with produce, not one real's worth can be 
sold. ... I must respectfully bring to Your Excellency's attention that unless 
funds arrive soon to pay the debts and to provide a medium of circulation in 
the town for the purchase of the produce of the small farmers and the 
payment of wages to laborers, the garrison will be left without its last recourse 



67 



for obtaining food, and the Minorcans will all have left" (Lockey 1949: 571, 
573). In a letter from the same period, the governor complained about the 
high prices of goods shipped through Havana, arguing that unless the colony 
had access to cheaper products from the United States, survival in St. 
Augustine would be impossible (Lockey 1949). 

An even clearer demonstration of price differentials, however, comes 
from shipping manifests. Commodities ranged widely in their quality and 
cost. Cloth offers a particularly good illustration. 

Cloth was one of St. Augustine's biggest imports and probably no other 
commodity had as a broad a range in quality and cost. Shipping and probate 
records provide ample evidence for variations in price (based on the 
equivalency of 8 reales » 1 peso = approximately $1). For the gentry, shops sold 
the materials typically preferred for making greatcoats, cloaks, and frockcoats: 
bayeton, a heavy and probably waterproofed woolen similar to baize, at 4 to 6 
reajes per vara; velveteen (the finest at 28 reales per vara, the cheapest at 6 
reales per vara) for frockcoats; and taffeta, at 8 reales per vara, typically used 
for linings. Lace cost up to 5 pesos per vara and silk sold at 6 to 7 pesos per 
pound. 

Of more moderate price were the textiles required for everday wear: 
muslin, typically used for shifts, underclothes, and women's gowns, at 4 to 9 
reales per vara; and baize, serge, fustian, linen, and printed cotton at about 4 
reajes per vara. Cheaper still were calimanco, a twilled woolen, at 1 to 2 reales 
per vara, and coleta, the Oznaburgh cloth made from cotton waste and 
frequently bought in bulk by plantation owners to produce clothing for slaves. 
In between the extremes was a range of textiles from throughout Europe, 
including Irlandes (Irish linen), Bretaha (a linen made in Brittany), Platilla (a 



68 



French weave), Bramante florete and Rollo (both from Germany) and Mahon 
(a cloth from the Balearics). 

Hats could cost up to 6 reales each, stockings up to 8 reales per pair (but 
the cheapest were only 2 reales) , and shoes anything from 6 to 10 reales a pair. 
The cheapest saddle cost 6 pesos . Earthenwares will be discussed more 
extensively in ensuing chapters, but it is worth noting that a set of dishes was 
a relatively minor expense: 12 dinner plates for 6 reales . By contrast, a tea 
kettle or coffee pot, whether metal or ceramic, cost between 6 and 12 reales a 
piece. Tureens and cups and saucers were also considerably more expensive 
than plates. Prices for different kinds or earthenwares are presented in 
Appendix C. 

Late Colonial Household Sites in St. Augustine 
The stage is thus set for a consideration of the basic research question in 
this study: whether households were more similar by virtue of ethnic 
background or of social class. To answer this requires an investigation into 
the daily life of colonists as reflected in materials recovered archaeologically 
and this investigation will be the subject of the next five chapters. The next 
chapter uses available colonial probates to compare the costume of Spaniards 
and Minorcans in St. Augustine. The other chapters of analysis focus on six 
households with archaeological assemblages and compare earthenwares and 
faunal remains from these sites. The final task here is to introduce and 
familiarize the reader with these households and present basic data about 
both them and the sites with which they are associated. 

Tables 4-8 and 4-9 present data on the six households represented by 
archaeological assemblages in this study. Table 4-8 gives the site designation, 
the name of the household head, the occupation of the household head, and 



69 



the ethnic affiliation of the household. Table 4-9 contains data on household 
size and several criteria for socioeconomic position. 

Table 4-8. Sites and Their Household Heads 



Site Number 



Head of household 



SA-7-6 

SA-26-1 

SA-34-3 

SA-35-2 

SA-16-23 

SA-12-26 



Juan Sanchez 
Juan Jose Bousquet 
Bernado Segui 
Gaspar Papy 
Bartolome Usina 
Juan Triay 



Occupation 

Shipyard foreman 

Surgeon 

Merchant/Baker 

Shopkeeper 

Farmer 

Farmer/Fisher 



Affiliation 

Spanish 

Spanish 

Minorcan 

Minorcan 

Minorcan 

Minorcan 



Table 4-9. Household Size and Socioeconomic Rank 



1790 Tax Value of Residence 
(reales) (pesos) Rank 



Household 


Size 


Slav' 


Segui 


12? 


8 


Papy 


7 


5 


Sanchez 


19 


10 


Bousquet 


6 


9 


Usina 


5 


n/a 


Triay 


5 


2 



1 

2 

3 
4 
5 
6 

Source: Census returns for 1784-1814, EFP Bundle 232A, Reel 148; Property 
tax assessment for 1790, EFP Bundle 364, Reel 52; EFP Testamentary 
Proceedings, Bundle 301-319, Reels 139-146, for the years 1803, 1813 
1815, 1816, and 1817. 



n/a 


4499 


n/a 


1380 


n/a 


2380 


n/a 


1500 


633 


n/a 


230 


337 



Household size was calculated for the year nearest to the terminus post 
quern for archaeological deposits at the site. Socioeconomic variables were 
the number of slaves owned by the household, tax assessment of lots in 1790, 
value of each household's main residence, and the value of total estate. It 



70 



was not possible to assess household socioeconomic position from any one of 
these variables, since they are not reported in all cases. Households were 
ranked based on the data presented in Table 4-9, weighted by the value of 
their estate. Gaspar Papy owned three properties in addition to his residence, 
so his rank was adjusted upwards. Households were never given the same 
rank. They progress from most affluent (ranked 1) to least affluent (ranked 6). 
The Usina household was ranked in higher socioeconomic position than the 
Triay household based on the 1790 tax assessment of the properties. The 
house assessment for Triay is of a later masonry house that post-dates the 
period represented by archaeological materials used in this study. 

The following discussion covers the excavation histories of the above 
sites, the proveniences used, and more information on the occupants. The 
locations of the sites in St. Augustine are shown in Figure 3. 

Sites in St. Augustine are generally identified by their occupants in the 
eighteenth-century First Spanish Period and by their block and lot numbers as 
recorded on colonial maps. The site names are given here in the first 
instance, but sites will subsequently be identified by either their site number 
or by the late colonial occupants. 

SA-7-6, the de Mesa Site 

This was the home of Juan Sanchez, the master of the shipyard for the 
colonial government. Sanchez was born in Puerto Real, Andalusia, Spain, 
and was married in Cuba to Maria del Carmen Castaneda, who was born in St. 
Augustine during the First Spanish Period. The Sanchez family owned a 
two-story masonry house of coquina block on St. George Street near the 
Minorcan Quarter and drew an annual salary of 420 pesos . 




re r— t 

XJ — ' 

re :— 

■a 5 

_, >■> 

_ I- 

2 ■»* 

.C re 

"tj 

3 qj 

.r A 

'35 [■ 

Eb ^ 



re ^ 

~ — 

SI 

re •_ 



e — 



.2 o 
P o 






m 
to 



72 






Colonial records show Sanchez buying and then selling off schooners 
at various times, suggesting that he might have augmented his income by 
repairing vessels for resale. Sanchez died in 1802 leaving the household in 
the hands of his widow and his son-in-law, Tomas de Aguilar, an official on 
the governor's staff. The value of the estate at the time of Sanchez' death was 
5815 pesos . The Sanchezes continued to live at the site throughout the late 
colonial period. An 1814 census listed 19 people in the household: Castaneda, 
Aguilar and his wife, six children, and ten slaves. 

SA-7-6 is owned by the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. The 
site was excavated in 1977 and 1978 as part of a project to restore the house 
and property (see Bostwick 1978; Deagan 1977). The archaeological assemblage 
for this site was drawn from a series of interrelated trash pits located in the 
backyard of the house. The terminus post quern for these deposits was 1813 
(based on Ironstone China). Excavation followed standard field methods 
employed in St. Augustine. Proveniences were excavated in natural strata 
and by arbitrary levels of 10 centimeters within large proveniences 
representing one depositional episode. All materials were water-screened 
through 1/4 inch hardcloth. Soil samples were taken to recover botanical and 
minute faunal material. 

SA-26-1. the de Leon Site 

This site represented the Spanish household of Juan Jose Bousquet, the 
surgeon employed by the military hospital. Bousquet was a native of Ciudad 
de Puerto de Santa Maria Cadiz, Spain, and was married to Maria Blanco, also 
a native of Spain. He drew an annual salary of 400 pesos as surgeon major to 
the hospital, supplemented by an income from his orange groves outside of 
town. He was also president of the Junta de Caridad, a charitable organization 



73 



or cofradia . A census of 1793 lists seven people in his household: Bousquet, 
his wife, two daughters, a sister-in-law and her daughter, and one slave. The 
Bousquet family had as many as nine slaves but only three are listed in his 
probate record and only one seems to have lived with the family (Zierden 
1981: 37). Bousquet's probate record includes a valuation of his estate and 
lands at approximately 4000 pesos . This included his two-story masonry 
house of coquina block located on Marine Street to the south of the plaza. His 
actual estate was probably worth closer to 4500 pesos as many items, including 
cloths, the books in his library, and 141 pesos in coin, were inventoried but 
not included in the assessment. 

SA-26-1 is owned by Fred White of St. Augustine. Fieldwork at the site 
was carried out between 1976 and 1979 under the direction of Kathleen 
Deagan (see Braley 1977; Singleton 1977; Zierden and Caballero 1979; Zierden 
1981). It is the only late colonial occupation which has been extensively 
treated prior to the present study. A masters thesis by Zierden characterized 
Bousquet as "one of the more prominent well-educated men in St. 
Augustine" and found that his material culture was cosmopolitan and drawn 
from around the world (1981: 7, 37). The assemblage used here consists of 
materials recovered by Zierden and Caballero from two wells (Features 48 and 
54). The terminus post quern for the assemblage is 1795 (delicately hand- 
painted polychrome pearlware). Field methods were the same as at SA-7-6. 

SA-34-3, the Segui-Kirbv Smith Site (formerly Public Libra ry Sitp) 

This was the household of Bernardo Segui, a merchant and baker. The 
1786 census lists his household as consisting of Segui, 44, from Minorca, his 
wife Agueda Villalonga, 33, also of Minorca, four daughters, ages 11, 9, 7, and 
4, and two sons, ages 6 and 2. The household also included one male and one 






74 



female slave. In 1814, a year after Segui's death, the census records his widow 
and two unmarried daughters living at the family house on Aviles Street, the 
site of excavations for this study. The family at that time had eight slaves but 
it is unclear whether they lived at the main house or on lands which the 
Seguis held outside of town. 

Segui was prominent in the St. Augustine community. His brothers- 
in-law, Pedro Cosifacio and Domingo Martinelli, were important members of 
the Minorcan community who jointly ran a family shipping syndicate 
(Griffin 1990: 186-192). Segui at times acted as captain aboard his brothers-in- 
laws' ships on trading expeditions and also received lucrative contracts from 
the colonial government to supply the garrison at the Castillo de San Marcos 
with bread. One Segui daughter married into the Minorcan Cavedo family 
and another married the Spanish official Dimas Cortes, second in charge at 
the colonial treasury. Segui served for a time as captain of the Minorcan 
militia and was frequently called upon to do assessments for probate 
inventories, including the estates of Fr. Pedro Camps, the priest in charge of 
the Minorcan parish, Pedro Jose Salcedo, captain of artillery, and Enrique 
White, a governor of the colony. The Seguis owned a two-and-a-half story 
masonry house of coquina on Aviles Street in the affluent neighborhood 
south of the plaza. The property included a separate bakery at the back. 
According to Seguis probate of 1813, the house and bakery together were 
worth 5611 pesos and his total estate was valued at 14,049 pesos . As can be 
seen from the socioeconomic ranking in Table 4-9, the Seguis were the most 
affluent household examined in this study and probably represented one of 
the wealthiest Minorcan families in St. Augustine. 

SA-34-3 is owned by the St. Augustine Historical Society. Fieldwork at 
the site was carried out during 1978-1981 under the direction of Kathleen 



75 



Deagan (see Deagan 1978; Johnson 1981) and again in 1991 by the author. 
Material used in this study was drawn from the 1991 excavations and came 
from one lens of a large multi-lensed trash pit at the back of the main house 
(Cusick 1993). The terminus post quern for this deposit is 1805 (even scallop, 
straight line shell edge pearlware). The deposit also contained a coin dated 
1788. Field methods were the same employed at other St. Augustine sites. 
Materials were waterscreened through 1/4" hardware cloth and 1/16" 
finescreen. Soil samples were taken for floatation. 

SA-35-2, the Sisters Site 

This was the household of Gasper Papy, a Greek born in Smyrna, who 
arrived in Florida with the Minorcans at the age of 17 (Griffin 1990: 16). He 
was married to Ana Pons, from Minorca. The 1786 census lists no other 
members in their household but the Papys had at least two daughters, 
mentioned as heirs in Gaspar's probate inventory of 1817. Papy apparently 
started out as a farmer cultivating two-and-a-half acres of land, and between 
1787 and 1794 acquired ownership of a lot to the south of the plaza, for which 
he paid 250 pesos . He eventually became a storekeeper and owner of at least 
three other properties around town (Griffin 1990: 122; Parker 1989). His 
property at SA-35-2, on the northeast corner of St. George and Bridge Streets, 
was described in probate as having a wooden house with tabby floor, a 
separate kitchen and an almacen. or warehouse, collectively worth 1380 pesos . 
This was one of four properties he owned, their collective value being 
approximately 5390 pesos . His estate at the time of his death in 1817 was 
valued at more than 8000 pesos . 

SA-35-2 is owned by the Convent of the Sisters of St. Joseph. The site 
was excavated in 1989 by Mary Herron and Chris Newman as a project for the 






76 



city of St. Augustine to mitigate construction of a new building on the 
property. Data for this study come from the contents of a privy with a 
terminus post quern of 1805. This is based on a pearlware mug bearing the 
image of Horatio Nelson and probably dating to the period immediately after 
Nelson's 1805 victory at Trafalgar. The deposit also contained a coin dated 
1799. Field methods were the same as at the sites above. Fine screens were 
not used in recovery; however, soil samples were taken for floatation. 

SA-12-26, the Ribera Gardens Site 

This site was the residence of the Minorcan Triay family. The 1786 
census describes the household members as Juan Triay, 32, from Minorca, his 
wife Juana Ximenes, 35, from Minorca, Juana's son from an earlier marriage, 
age 9, three additional sons, ages 5, 4, and 2, and one male slave (Rasico 1987: 
177). Triay was a farmer who worked a plot of land outside the city to the 
north. The Triays obtained the property during the British Period and 
continued to reside on it for the first half of the Second Spanish Period. They 
were involved in legal disputes with a Spanish family which also claimed the 
property as part of its inheritance. The house at SA-12-26 was described as a 
wooden structure of cypress with a palm thatch roof on a lot owned by the 
Crown (Parker n.d.). The Triays financial condition apparently improved 
over time and in 1806 Triay built a two-story masonry house on a different lot 
but still within the Minorcan Quarter (Griffin 1990). This later house was 
assessed in his 1816 probate at 337 pesos in an estate totaling 1215 pesos . 

SA-12-26 is owned by the Historic St. Augustine Preservation Board. It 
was excavated in 1988 by Stanley Bond of the Historic St. Augustine 
Preservation Board (Bond 1992). The assemblage used here came from 



77 



numerous trashpits. These deposits had a terminus post quern of 1799 (based 
on Mocha annular ware) and contained a coin dated 1787. 

SA-16-23, the de la Cruz Site 

This was the household of the Usina family. The 1786 census lists the 
household as Bartolome Usina, 46, from Minorca, his wife, Maria, 38, from 
Minorca, and a daughter, 2. Another daughter, 14, was living in a 
neighboring household (Griffin 1990: 168). Usina was a farmer who owned 
land to the north of town. The 1788 Rocque map of St. Augustine and the 
1790 tax assessment described his house as timber frame with a palm thatch 
roof and located on a lot owned by the Crown. 

Excavations at SA-16-23 were carried out in 1972-1973 and resulted in a 
master's thesis (McMurray 1975) and dissertation (Deagan 1974). The data for 
this study were drawn from Feature 37 in the 1972 field season, a barrel well 
dating to the Usina occupation. Terminus post quern for the deposit was 1813 
(based upon recovery of a Newcastle Upon Tyne slipware dish or milkpan 
marked "1813;" see McMurray 1975: 109). 

Probate records exist for five of these six households. However, with 
the exception of the Bousquet household, the probates lack inventories of 
movable household possessions. Those for Sanchez and Segui are primarily 
assessments for houses and land. The probates for Papy and Triay also 
include inventories of merchandise held for sale and sporadic assessments of 
household goods. Thus, archaeological data are the most detailed source of 
information for material culture. However, one category of evidence was 
deemed important enough to present here, even though it required going 
beyond the limits of the archaeological sample. Costume has traditionally 
been a prominent marker both of socioeconomic and ethnic differences 



78 



between people. Hence, all available Spanish and Minorcan probate records 
for the late colonial period were reviewed for information on dress. These 
are presented in the next chapter. Subsequent chapters focus on analysis of 
archaeologically recovered materials from the sites noted above. In 
comparing site assemblages, the focus was on ceramic assemblages, as 
discussed in Chapters 6 and 7, and on foodways and diet, as discussed in 
Chapters 8 and 9. 






CHAPTER 5 
A COMPARISON OF SPANISH AND MINORCAN DRESS 



Clothing has been important throughout history not only to protect 
people from environmental conditions, but also to demarcate social 
affiliations. It is probably the most visible symbol of identity in community 
life. In St. Augustine, inventories of personal dress provide the best evidence 
for differences in the material culture of Spanish and Minorcan colonists. 
The evidence is sporadic and conclusions tentative, but a review of available 
probate records suggests that Spanish and Minorcan dress in St. Augustine 
followed fashions and traditions prevalent in Spain and Minorca. As such, 
clothing seems to have been one aspect of material culture which demarcated 
Spaniards and Minorcans. 

Historians of the development of costume have covered in great detail 
the differences in material and style that characterized dress among the 
gentility, townsfolk, and peasantry of France, Germany, England, and Spain 
(Anderson 1979; Davenport 1956; Kohler 1963; Laver 1988; Payne 1965). By the 
sixteenth century, costume in Europe varied widely according to region and 
fashion. Just as important to trends in dress, however, were economic and 
social factors. As trade with the Americas and Asia brought in new fabric 
materials and as cloth production became a major industry, more elaborate 
costume spread from court to the professional classes to shopkeepers, artisans, 
and laborers. A review of the evolution of European dress from 1500 to 1800 



79 



80 






is not possible within the scope of this study. However, the eighteenth 
century in many respects represents a cohesive chapter in the history of 
fashion and provides the necessary background to costume in Spain and 
Minorca. 

Late Eighteenth-Century Costume in Spain and Minorca 
By the eighteenth century, Spain had lost the dominant influence it 
had exercised over European fashion during the period 1500 to 1650 
(Anderson 1979). Throughout the 1700s costume in Spain followed the 
dictates of dress in France and England, varying more in elements of style 
than in components of dress. Male costume consisted of articles of clothing 
that had been in use, in one form or another, since the 1680s (Kohler 1963: 
333-340; Laver 1988: 133-116). Garments basic to the male attire of the nobility, 
military, and middle-classes were the shirt (camisa), breeches ( calzones) , 
stockings ( medias) , and buckled shoes. Shirts were adorned at the cuff and 
down the breast with ruffles (bolantes) and at the collar with neckcloth 
( pahuelo) or cravat (corbatin). Over this went a sleeveless vest (chaleco) or 
long-sleeved and skirted waistcoat ( chupa) , a long, full-skirted coat ( casaca) or 
a swallow-tailed frockcoat, and a cape ( capa) or greatcoat ( capote) . 

Spanish terminology for articles of dress are loosely translatable into 
English equivalents, but carry connotations of style and cut which escape easy 
translation. Hence, it is worth defining certain terms within their Spanish 
context. The main outer garments of male dress were the casaca, the chaleco. 
the chupa , and the capote. According to an 1817 edition of the Diccionario de 
la Lengua Castellana published by the Royal Academy, Madrid, these articles 
of clothing were described as follows [author's trans.]: 






81 



The casaca was "una vestidura con mangas que llegan hasta la muneca, 
y con faldillas hasta la rodilla" (a coat with sleeves that reached to the wrist 
and skirts to the knee). According to Kohler, this garment had its origins in 
the sixteenth century: "Popular and universally worn as the Spanish doublet 
then was, it was chiefly a summer garment. In winter men wore instead of it 
a coat made like it, but with a skirt reaching nearly to the knees. This coat, 
called casaque, and often beautifully trimmed, was worn even in summer by 
manservants, pages, and grooms" (1963: 296). The direct model of the 
eighteenth century casaca was the French justaucorps. a long skirted coat 
arranged for buttoning with large turned-back cuffs (Kohler 1963: 308). 

The chupa was "parte del vestido que cubre el tronco del cuerpo con 
faldillas de la cintura abajo y con mangas ajustadas a los brasos" (part of the 
clothing that covered the trunk of the body with skirts or coat-tails from the 
waist downwards and with sleeves fitted to the arms). For much of the 
eighteenth century it functioned as a waistcoat. However, by 1790, a 
sleeveless waistcoat, much like a modern vest, replaced this earlier form 
(Davenport 1956, Vol. II: 698-699). In Spanish, the vest-like garment was 
called the chaleco , "una especie de justillo sin mangas ni faldillas" (a type of 
waistcoat or jerkin without sleeves or skirts). It could be worn underneath a 
chupa but more usually was worn with the casaca . A variation was the 
veston, also sleeveless but retaining the skirts of the earlier waistcoat (Kohler 
1963: 357, 385-387). 

The capote was "una capa hecha de albornoz, barragan, pano u otra tela 
doble, que sirve para el abrigo y para resistir el agua, diferenciase en la 
hechura de la capa comun solo en que el cuello por lo regular es redondo" (a 
cape or cloak made of coarse woolen, waterproofed camlet, woolen, or other 
thick or doubled fabric that served as a coat and to keep off rain, differing in 



82 



manufacture from the common cape only in that the collar was usually 
rounded). The capote had been a component of Spanish dress since at least 
the early sixteenth century and was often hooded (Anderson 1979: 111). The 
capa, or cloak, was also worn as protection from the weather. In Madrid and 
other large cities, capas and soft brimmed hats were essential protection 
against blowing dust and garbage (Kany 1932: 37). 

Womens' fashion changed throughout the eighteenth century. The 
awkward farthingale, a framework for billowing out the skirts of a dress, went 
out of fashion about midcentury, but was reintroduced into court costume by 
Marie Antoinette in 1774 (Kohler 1963: 359). The other elements of dress 
were the corset, petticoats, bodice, underdress and overdress. 

The most distinctively Spanish element of female dress was the 
mantilla, a cloth or lace- work veil, which came into general use around 1700 
(Espinosa 1970: 42). The custom for women to wear head coverings instead of 
hats had a long history in Spain and the mantilla was both preceded and 
supplanted by other forms of shawl or veil (Espinosa 1970). 

This basic garb changed with the political and cultural conditions of the 
times. In France, the Revolution caused an over-night alteration in daily 
dress. "Rich and poor alike were careful to dress as negligently as possible, for 
anyone whose outward appearance brought him under suspicion of being an 
aristocrat went in danger of his life. During that time even wealthy men 
went about wearing the blue linen pantaloons and short jacket of the working 
man and the red cap of the galley slave-the symbol of the Jacobins" (Kohler 
1963: 374). With the rise of Napolean, there was a return to elaborate and 
ornamented dress, notable in the costume of the French Incroyables. 

English fashion also made itself felt with the adoption of the English 
riding coat, or frock. This was a knee-length coat with the front skirts cut 



83 



away so that the wearer could more easily sit astride a horse. The back skirts 
had a tapering, swallow-tail shape. In Spain, both the full-skirted casaca and 
the frock coat were popular and were made with wide, flailing lapels as seen 
in such portraits as Goya's Sebastian Martinez (1792), Gaspar Melchor de 
Tovellanos (1788), and Bartolome Sureda (1804-1806) (Perez Sanchez and Sayre 
1989). By the 1790s, pantalones, ankle length trousers worn very tight, were 
also becoming popular and began to replace breeches, although the latter 
continued to be essential for formal dress. 

While male dress underwent modifications, womens' dress changed 
radically. Commenting on the period 1800-1810, Laver says "perhaps at no 
period between primitive times and the 1920s had women worn so little" 
(1988: 155). The corset and petticoats were abandoned in favor of low cut, 
diaphanous gowns. Women covered their shoulders and filled in the neck 
line with rich, overlapping shawls. That this change was felt even in Spain 
can be seen in Goya's portraits of Condesa de Chinchon (1800) and Marquesa 
de Santa Cruz (1805) (Perez Sanchez and Sayre 1989). 

In Spain, the changes in fashion were apparent in the sharp disparity 
between dress influenced by French fashion and more regional, 
conservatively oriented dress. According to Kany, the two distinctive trends 
in Spanish costume between 1760 and 1800 were vestir de militar. a modern 
costume favored by the military and based on French models, and national 
costume, a continuation of local and regional dress among people openly 
hostile to French influence in Spain. Vestir de militar was the costume of the 
court, the army, and the bourgeosie (see Figure 4) and denoted the elements 
of coat, waistcoat, breeches or pantaloons, and cravat. The petimetre. or 
Spanish dandy, "wore a snuggly fitting casaca, which fell in folds like a skirt 
below the waist, a lavishly embroidered chupa, a scarlet cape, and yards of 






CASACA 



CALZONES 



CORBATA 




CHUPA 

OR 
VESTON 






MEDIAS 



Figure 4: Vestir de Militar. Major elements of male military and civilian 
dress in late eighteenth-century Spain. The vest is probably a 
sleeveless veston rather than a chupa. 



85 



material for the cravat" (Kany 1932: 178). In contrast was the costume of the 
fashionable lower class in Madrid, the majos and majas, who made a point of 
rejecting anything French. "The ma jo wore close-fitting breeches, stockings, 
buckled slippers, waist-coat, short jacket, and a large sash ( faja) " with a cape 
over all (Kany 1932: 222). Goya depicts both types of dress in his portraiture of 
gentry and poor. 

Information is also available about costume on Minorca. Some notion 
of the dress of typical Minorcans can be obtained from paintings of a 
Minorcan man and women in the collection of the St. Augustine Historical 
Society and reproduced in Griffin (1990: 177-178). Their costume contains 
some of the same elements as that of the majos and majas (see Figure 5). The 
man is depicted in a long sleeve shirt and a sleeveless vest squared-off at the 
bottom, knee breechs secured by a belt, gaiters, sandles, and a wide-brimmed 
hat. The cloth hanging over one shoulder may represent a capa or cloak. 
The woman wears an underdress and over it a tight-fitting long sleeved 
bodice or jacket, an ankle length skirt, an apron, and low, slip on shoes. Her 
head is covered with a rebozilla, a shawl-like half circle of cloth, arranged like 
a habit. This was a traditional Minorcan article of female dress that fulfilled 
the same function as the mantilla . 

These paintings agree with a description of Minorcan costume in The 
History of the Island of Minorca (1756), written by John Armstrong, an 
English engineer stationed on Minorca in the mid-eighteenth century, and 
cited in a more recent ethnohistory by Quinn (Armstrong 1756: 206; 1975: 10- 
11): "The Dress of the lower Rank of the Men consists of a loose short Coat, a 
Waistcoat, and a red worsted Girdle going many times round the Belly, or a 
broad Leather belt; a coarse Shirt, a colored Handkerchief about the Neck, a 
red Worsted Cap, a Pair of Breeches reaching almost to the Ankles, coarse 



86 



CAPA 



MED IAS 




CHALECO 



CAMISA 



CALZONES 






Figure 5: Major elements of male dress on Minorca. Not shown is the 
short jacket typically worn in place of a coat. 



n 



Stockings and broad flat shoes with no heels, made of white leather, a flapped 
Hat, and a Cloak." 

"Country women wore a close waistcoat of black cloth opening wide at 
the neck, and closely buttoned at the wrist, where the end of the shirtsleeve 
was turned up. A petticoat of colored cloth, or printed linen, was tied at the 
waist and gathered full to make the women seem large about the hips. The 
dress seldom reached below the middle of the leg. Their stockings were vari- 
colored, either red, blue or green, or clocks of other colors. They wore white 
leather shoes, with moderate heels, broad at the toes, and the shoes were full 
of small holes, considered cool and ornamental. They wore a veil on their 
head, called a rebazilla [sic], made of white or printed linen and sometimes of 
silk. This was pinned close under the chin, and fell about the shoulders" 
(Quinn 1975: 11). 

Like the majos of Madrid, Minorcan males seem to have worn short 
jackets in place of the casaca of the Spanish court and military and they 
draped themselves in cloaks as an essential component of dress. Wealthier 
males had their clothes cut in English fashion. However, the costume of 
jacket and cloak seems to have prevailed as the distinctive Minorcan dress. A 
twentieth-century history observed: "The men formerly affected the cape--the 
capa madrilena-and if one appeared in the winter without it he was not 
considered to be fully attired. . . . Among the country people a short blue 
jacket is very common, covering a woolen shirt with buttons in front" 
(Chamberlain 1927: 133-134). 

Spanish and Minorcan Costume in St. Augustine 
From a total of 48 Spanish and Minorcan probate records available in 
the East Florida Papers from the Second Spanish Period, 18 probates contained 






8 



inventories of clothing. Of these, 13 were Spaniards and 5 Minorcans, and all 
were male. The probates ranged in date from 1788 to 1817. The remaining 
probates had assessments of property and dwellings but little or no 
information on other personal property. 

This data set was a small sample. The names and occupations of the 
individuals represented are given in Table 5-1 and reflect the same 
distribution of occupations noted in the previous chapter. Most of the 
Spaniards were military officers, public officials, or merchants. The five 
Minorcans represented consisted of the parish priest, a merchant, two 
artisans, and a sailor. It should be mentioned that Bousquet, the surgeon, was 
the only person who was represented both in these probate records and in the 
archaeological sample of later chapters. The Usina mentioned here was of a 
different family from the Usinas who will shortly be encountered as part of 
the archaeological sample. 

Notwithstanding the small sample size, the inventories reflected the 
same range of clothing articles noted in costume histories of Spain in this 
period. Indeed, some vestiges of Spanish colonial dress seem to have 
surived into the American Period after 1821 and continued to be stereotypical 
markers of people of Spanish and Minorcan descent. For example, a poem by 
Ralph Waldo Emerson, written during a stay in St. Augustine in 1827, 
contains the lines: 



The dark Minorcan, sad and separate, 
Wrapt in his cloak, strolls with unsocial eyes 
By day, basks idle in the sun, then seeks his food 
All night upon the waters, stilly plying 
His hook and line in all the moonlit bays, 
(cited in Rasico 1990: 83) 



89 



Even into the twentieth century, the word capote was still used by 
people of Spanish and Minorcan heritage in St. Augustine to denote a coat or 
outer garment (Beeson 1960; Rasico 1990). 

Given the wide range of textiles imported into St. Augustine, reviewed 
briefly in the previous chapter, eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century 
clothing could be made from many fabrics. Capotes and capas were 
commonly of velveteen or corduroy ( pana) or a waterproofed woolen( pano) 
or baize ( bayeton) . Casacas and frock coats could be Irish or other linen, 
velveteen, corduroy, Mahon (a cloth made in the Balearics), kerseymere (a 
type of baize), or wool. Chupas, chalecos, breeches, and pantalones were made 
from all of the above, as well as from cotton, chintz, and silk. Shirts were 
either cotton or linen. 

In assessing the elements of dress in the probate records, the data base 
was divided according to ethnic affiliation and by an estimate of wealth. This 
was done so that Spaniards and Minorcans could be compared within 
socioeconomic strata to control for the effects of difference in income. 
Individuals were ranked by two criteria: the total amount spent on clothing 
and the assessed value of all movable goods in the house. The value of 
movable goods proved to be a better means of determining relative 
socioeconomic position than landed wealth since houses, land, and slaves 
were not uniformly reported. In addition, some officers in the Spanish 
military who were stationed in St. Augustine seem to have invested their 
money primarily in movable goods and did not own houses or land. 

The estimated amount spent on clothing was calculated as the value of 
all garments but excluded hats, boots, and shoes, which were never of any 
significant cost, and also excluded curtains and bed and furniture coverings. 



90 



The value of movable property was based on assessements of personal 
clothing, precious metals, jewelry and personal items, kitchen furnishings, 
and house furniture but excluded assessments for personal libraries and 
commercial or store merchandise. 

Table 5-1. Names and Occupations of Individuals in Sample 



Name 




Occupation 






SPANIARDS 






Juan Jose Bousquet 




Surgeon 




Tomas Caraballo 




Military Officer 




Miguel Ceballos 




Military Officer 




Francisco Domingo 




Retired Soldier 




Josef Elisondo 




Hospital Registrar 




Pedro Garcia 




Unknown 




Mateo Guadanama 




Ship Captain 




Luciano de Herrera 


Chief Officer of the Public Works 




Fernando de la Puente 




Military Officer 




Pedro Jose Salcedo 




Military Officer 




Jose Maria de la Torre 




Military Officer 




Enrique White 




Governor 




Miguel Yznardy 




Merchant 






MINORCANS 






Vicente Pedro Casaly 




Carpenter 




Pedro Camps 




Parish Priest 




Lorenzo Coll 




Merchant 




Gaspar Hernandez 




Mason 




Juan Usina 




Sailor 





Based on this information, data were divided into two groups: Group 
A, composed of high income Spaniards, and Group B, made up of middle 
income Spaniards and Minorcans. The lack of any Minorcans in Group A 






91 



was a product of the documents. The probates of several wealthy Minorcans, 
including Bernardo Segui and Gaspar Papy, whose households are included 
in the archaeological sample, did not include assessments of movable 
property. 

The overall distribution of types of clothing in Groups A and B is 
presented in Tables 5-2 and 5-3. The first table contains information on basic 
elements of costume and the second table focuses on outer garments and 
articles of clothing which formed part of the suit, or centro . The Spanish 
designations have been retained since several-notably casaca, chaleco, chupa, 
and capote -denote specific aspects of costume for which there is no simple 
English equivalent. The term fraque, meaning frockcoat, appeared 
occasionally in probate inventories and may have been a borrowing from 
English "frock" or French "le frac"; it is unclear whether this term was 
employed in the probates to differentiate between frockcoat and casaca or 
whether the two terms were synonyms. Casaca was by far the more common 
term used to designate a long coat. 

Some general observations about the data are appropriate. First, there 
was abundant evidence in the probates for matched suits of clothing, an 
aspect of fashion that became popular in the second half of the eighteenth 
century. In cases where the suit, or centro, was itemized it invariably 
consisted of a casaca, a chaleco, and calzones ( casaca, sleeveless vest, and knee 
breeches). Most males owned several pairs of pantaloons, the tight-fitting 
ankle length pants that came increasingly into fashion after 1790. However, 
these never supplanted breeches in importance. This perhaps reflects the 
continuing importance of breeches as a part of formal attire. It may also be 
due to military influence. Most of the Spanish individuals in the probates 






92 



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held positions in the military, where breeches were standard dress. Also of 
interest is the fact that ruffles for the shirt front and cuffs ( bolantes) seem to 
disappear from the probate inventories around 1800. This also conformed to 
a change of fashion in European dress. 

In comparing Group A and B, the first pattern to emerge clearly from 
the data was that basic items of everyday indoor or outdoor use-camisas 
(shirts), calzones (breeches), pantalones (long pants), medias (stockings), and 
corbatas (cravats)--varied directly with socioeconomic position. As shown by 
the means listed in Table 5-4, members of the wealthier group owned, on 
average, twice as many articles of clothing in these categories as did either 
Spaniards or Minorcans in the middle income group. 

The most important difference between Spaniards and Minorcans was 
the lack of any mention of cravats in the Minorcan inventories. This may 
represent mere oversight on the part of the probate assessors; however, the 
cravat was not typical of Old World Minorcan costume. 

Data for outer cloths, in contrast, varied more by ethnic background 
than by socioeconomic status. The data on casacas, chalecos, chupas, and 
capotes are presented in Tables 5-3 and 5-5. 

Table 5-4. Mean Number of Shirts, Breeches, Stockings, and Cravats 
Group Camisas Calzones Medias Corbatas/Panuelos 



Spaniards (A) 11.9 9.9 12.9 12.0 

Spaniards (B) 6.6 5.6 - 6.2 

Minorcans (B) 6.7 5.8 5.0 

Source: EFP, "Testamentary Proceedings," Bundles 301-319, Reels 134- 

146b. Means were calculated based on the data presented in 
Table 5-2 and did not include entries with missing values. 



97 









Table 5-5. Mean Number of Outer Garments 
Group Casaca Chupa Chaleco Chaqueta Capote Centro 



Spaniards (A) 


4.3 


1.6 


8.6 


0.6 


0.7 


6.6 


Spaniards (B) 


2.7 


2.2 


7.8 


0.5 


0.3 


3.0 


Minorcans (B) 


1.0 


4.0 


3.0 


2.0 


0.8 


- 



Source: EFP "Testamentary Proceedings," Bundles 301-319, Reels 134- 

146b. Means were calculated based on the data presented in Table 
5-3 and did not include entries with missing values. 



With so small a sample of records, it is difficult to rule out sampling 
bias as a factor underlying differences in the outer costume. Occupation 
clearly could have affected daily dress. For example, Pedro Camps, the 
Minorcan parish priest, would have had no use for a casaca . The Spaniards 
represented, on the other hand, were all either military officials, government 
officials, or merchants. The relatively greater proportion of casacas and suits 
owned by the Spaniards (see Table 5-5) can be explained in part by wealth, but 
was probably also due to their careers. The casaca, as an article of clothing, 
was a mark of gentility and was also a standard part of military uniform. The 
probates suggest, for instance, that ownership of either a casaca or a capote 
made of pano azul (blue woolen cloth) was a virtual requirement for Spanish 
officers and officials in St. Augustine. Juan Jose Bousquet, the surgeon, was 
the only Spanish public official whose inventory failed to mention at least 
one such garment. Aside from the fact that blue was a popular color around 
the beginning of the nineteenth century (Davenport 1956: 799), it was also one 
of the official colors of Spanish uniform. Goya's portraits of leading 
Spaniards, from the king down to local officials, show them wearing blue 
casacas over red vests and breeches (see plates in Perez Sanchez and Sayre 






1989, and in Reparaz 1984). Military color varied according to regiment and 
time period, but the cut and color of uniforms were strictly regulated (Kany 
1932: 233). The Hibernians, stationed in St. Augustine, had coats of red 
( encarnada) until 1802, and then had sky blue ( celeste) or blue ( azul) coats 
throughout the early nineteenth century (Clonard 1857: 327)). The Havana 
regiments, also part of the St. Augustine garrison, had blue coats from 1794 to 
1805, white and red coats between 1805 and 1815, and blue again after 1815 
(Clonard 1857: 427). Illustrations of Spanish military dress, such as that 
depicted in Figure 4, suggest that the basic outer dress for uniforms consisted 
of casaca, waistcoat, and breeches. The regulation waistcoat for uniforms may 
have been the chupa but was more likely the veston, the skirted version of 
the chaleco . 

Even taking occupation into consideration, however, the difference in 
the types of coat and waistcoat most commonly present in Spanish and 
Minorcan inventories was striking. There was considerable similarity 
between Spaniards in both the high and middle income groups. The chief 
differences between these groups could be explained by level of income. 
Upper income Spaniards tended to own more casacas and about twice as 
many suits ( centros) as those in the lower group. 

In the Minorcan sample, on the other hand, ownership of suits was 
rare and casacas and chalecos were also less in evidence than in the Spanish 
sample. However, Minorcans tended to own more chupas, the sleeved and 
skirted waistcoat. As shown in Table 5-5, the frequency, on average, of casaca s 
and chupa s was inversely proportional among wealthy Spaniards, middle 
income Spaniards, and middle income Minorcans. 

Spanish male costume seems to have conformed closely to what one 
would expect for the gentry and the affluent. Casacas and chalecos, either 



99 



matched or unmatched, were the necessary fixtures of formal attire and most 
Spaniards owned at least one suit of matching material, an additional casaca, 
and several chalecos . 

Minorcans also wore chalecos and it was this type of vest which was 
depicted in a portrait of a Minorcan farmer reproduced in Griffin (1990). 
Regardless of occupation, however, the chupa and perhaps the jacket seem to 
have been essential parts of Minorcan dress—far more important than with 
Spaniards of approximately the same socioeconomic standing. Chupas and 
jackets may have served as substitutes for the longer and fuller casaca . 
Indeed, in one Minorcan probate the chupa was referred to as a casaquita, or 
little casaca . The adoption of short jacket-like coats in St. Augustine would be 
in keeping with Minorcan dress in the Old World, where they wore "a loose, 
short coat" over a waistcoat. Protection from bad weather would have been 
provided by the capa or capote, making the casaca superfluous except as a 
symbol of station. 

Because the sample used here is small, it cannot assess the influence 
that individual taste or upward mobility might have had on personal dress. 
These are by no means negligible factors. As noted in the next chapter, 
increasing affluence seems to have had a definite influence on the types of 
tablewares Spaniards and Minorcans purchased. However, the available 
evidence on clothing suggests that at least some portion of the Minorcan 
community looked and dressed very differently than Spanish residents even 
when they were in the same socioeconomic bracket. Moreover, the 
differences in costume lie in those very aspects of dress which differentiated 
the costume of Spanish gentry and Minorcan peasant in the Old World. This 
continuity from Old World to New is the first evidence that the social 



100 



boundary between Spaniards and Minorcans as groups in St. Augustine 
extended also into material culture. 









CHAPTER 6 

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INDICES OF CONSUMER BEHAVIOR: 

CERAMIC ASSEMBLAGES 

IN SECOND SPANISH PERIOD ST. AUGUSTLME 



People worldwide and throughout time have had to provision and 
feed the members of their households. By the sixteenth century in Europe 
and the New World, this process already involved participation in the 
marketplace (Braudel 1979; Shammas 1990; Wolf 1982). There is eloquent 
testimony in the works of Fernand Braudel about how much we can learn 
from the study of daily life. For Braudel, the concept of "market" entailed 
circulation, exchange, and trade in its simplest and earliest manifestations; 
this evolved over time into market economies, in which the production and 
exchange of commodities were so interrelated that prices fluctuated in unison 
and on a worldwide scale (Braudel 1982: 26-58; 223-230). In all senses, a 
market, whether local, regional, or global, implies that people rely on 
exchange to provision themselves. Through the market, peoples' social life 
becomes intertwined with their economic life; the decisions and actions 
people take in the marketplace have a direct impact on their material culture. 

This chapter is devoted to a consideration of consumer behavior in St. 
Augustine and the methodological issues of addressing this topic 
archaeologically. From a consideration of costume, we turn to another aspect 
of material culture, one which is ubiquitous at archaeological sites: 
earthenwares. As will be noted below, plates, teawares, and utilitarian 



101 



102 



earthenwares are relatively inexpensive and minor parts of household 
furnishings. Yet they fill a socio-technic function in human behavior, 
carrying messages about social affiliation and behavior (Binford 1972). This 
chapter reviews some of the uses historians and archaeologists have made of 
ceramic inventories in studies of consumer behavior and also the means of 
quantification that have been used. Presentation of data follows in the next 
chapter. The methodology employed in studies of diet and foodways and the 
presentation of data on this topic from St. Augustine sites will be the subject 
of subsequent chapters. 

The operation of market economies and the development of mass 
marketing and consumerism are topics of shared interest to economists, 
sociologists, social psychologists, and, historians, and anthropologists (Henry 
1991). Perhaps nowhere is this shared interest more apparent than in the 
recent profusion of studies dealing with consumer behavior. The central goal 
of these studies is " explaining why goods of differing quality or price were 
selected ... by different cultural subgroups in a market economy" (Spencer- 
Wood 1987: 9). 

For archaeologists, data on consumer behavior provide useful 
guidelines for interpreting similarities and differences in assemblages of 
materials, whether those assemblages represent households, neighborhoods, 
or cultual groups (see Spencer-Wood 1987). A central tenet of archaeology is 
that careful excavation and control over data recovery make it possible to 
identify patterns in artifact assemblages which reflect patterns in human 
behavior (Binford 1972; Schiffer 1988; South 1977a). Consumer behavior 
provides archaeologists with the variables that are most likely responsible for 
what people purchased and hence their household possessions. As will be 
clear from the examples discussed below, the application of consumer 






103 



behavior theory to archaeological questions is based on two principles: that 
artifact distributions reflect human behavior and that multivariate analyses 
offer a means of assessing what types of behavior, or what factors in peoples' 
lives, best explain artifact distributions. This returns us to the central focus of 
this study: do similarities and differences in the assemblages of sites in this 
study correlate with socioeconomic position, ethnic affiliation, or other 
factors? 









Ceramics as a Data Source 

The analysis presented in the next chapter follows the majority of 
studies cited above in comparing ceramic assemblages from several sites. It 
should be noted that the use of tablewares and other earthenwares as a basis 
for comparison has been criticized in historical archaeology. Various authors 
have noted that households tend to purchase tablewares periodically, usually 
spending a sum of money for bulk purchase, and then replacing items only 
when they break or when more are required (Friedlander 1991: 27; LeeDecker 
1991). This differs from purchase of food and other necessities, which is an 
ongoing and continual practice. The same authors have noted that 
tablewares, teawares, and earthenwares are usually a minor expense and a 
small component of household durables. Based on these facts, they have 
expressed scepticism that ceramic assemblages are reliable gauges of 
household buying strategy or consumer preference. 

In the light of this criticism, some preface is required explaining why 
this study selected ceramics as a basis for comparing sites. It must be stated 
that the arguments against using tablewares are neither convincing nor well 
supported by empirical evidence. It is true that earthenwares represent minor 
expenditures when compared with other components of household budgets 












104 



(Shammas 1990: 186). Gasco (1992), for instance, has been able to show this 
through analysis of probate records in Mexico and it is also reflected in St. 
Augustine probate records. It is also true that earthenwares are purchased at 
well-spaced intervals (Weatherill 1988). However, these observations 
provide no logical basis for objecting to the use of earthenwares as a source of 
data. The fact that households probably used earthenwares for long stretches 
of time makes these items appropriate, not inappropriate, databases for 
archaeological investigation. Even in historical archaeology, where it is 
possible to date deposits in narrow time bands, it is unlikely that any 
assemblages drawn from a large number of sites represent materials used 
during the same day, month, or year. Zooarchaeologists, for example, are 
careful to point out that faunal remains do not represent evidence of daily 
caloric intake or specific meals; rather they reflect general foodways at sites 
(Reitz and Scarry 1985). Ceramic assemblages, since they do not represent 
items that were discarded and repurchased on a daily basis, are probably not 
subject to variation over minor intervals of time. This should make it easier, 
not more difficult, to compare sites from approximately the same time period. 

Indeed, the study of ceramics as a means of studying human behavior 
is one of the foundations of archaeology in general. In historical archaeology, 
ceramics are a type of material culture that preserve equally at all sites, can be 
assigned to a time period, and can be referenced in primary and secondary 
sources. Beyond this, it has been repeatedly demonstrated that, criticisms 
notwithstanding, ceramics do in fact reflect consumer behavior. 

Studies of Consumer Behavior 
One of the most common, and consequently best-developed, methods 
used to study consumer behavior in earlv modern times is the examination 



105 



of people's probate inventories. Historians have employed this method to 
compare ownership of different categories of household goods with social 
parameters of life, such as peoples' net worth, disposable income, and 
occupation. Two studies of particular interest are those of Lorna Weatherill 
(1988) and Carole Shammas (1990) for British and British-American 
households in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Their methods and 
findings are relevant here not only because of their substantive contributions, 
but because they demonstrate the basis for research designs employed by 
historical archaeologists interested in consumer behavior. 

Weatherill's study was based on almost 3000 probate inventories dating 
from 1675 to 1725 and drawn from eight regions of England (1988: 2-3). An 
underlying assumption of the study was that "material goods were, as they 
still are, indicative of behaviour and attitude" and could therefore be expected 
to vary across social, occupational, and economic lines (Weatherill 1988: 5). 
Weatherill grouped the data from inventories according to three classificatory 
systems: (1) the social status of the subject; (2) the occupational status of the 
subject; and, (3) the economic sector to which the subject belonged (see 
Weatherill 1988: Appendix 2, for the rationale of each classification). These 
classifications provided a means for comparing ownership of goods within 
and between relevant groupings of people. 

Carole Shammas employed similar methods in a study of consumer 
behavior in both England and colonial America. Her study covered the 
period from 1600 to 1800. Shammas introduced her study with a 
consideration of what sixteenth- and seventeenth-century households were 
able to produce themselves and what they acquired through the market. For 
the eighteenth century, she chronicled the growing demand for sugar 
products, caffeine drinks, and tobacco. The most interesting part of her study, 









however, is an assessment of food consumption and ownership of household 
durable goods across socioeconomic and occupational lines. This analysis was 
based on data from five collections of English probates from various regions 
and five collections of colonial probates from Massachusetts, Maryland, and 
Virginia (see Shammas 1990: Appendix 1, for a description of sources). 
Instead of the classificatory systems used by Weatherill, Shammas compared 
probate inventories across six variables: wealth, household size, book 
ownership (used as a measure of education), occupational status, market 
accessibility, and influence of gender. 

The results of these two studies demonstrated a number of patterns in 
consumer behavior between 1600 and 1800. Food and clothing constituted 
two major categories of household expenditure (Shammas 1990:126-127; 
Weatherill 1988: 114-1340; see also LeeDecker 1991). In order to meet these 
needs, poor households had to set aside a relatively larger part of their budget 
than did middle income or wealthy households (Weatherill 1988). Wealth, 
occupation, household size, and market accessibility all influenced 
consumption of durable goods. Both studies demonstrated the spread of 
inexpensive and replaceable ceramic table and teawares from the early to the 
late eighteenth century. Shammas' data on colonial America demonstrated 
that by 1750 half of the middle income households and 20-25 percent of the 
lower income household had tablewares listed in probate inventories (1990: 
185). There are similar data available for eighteenth-century Paris (1990: 187). 
Porcelains and teawares were among several classes of domestic good which 
varied predictably with income. In general, ownership of goods such as 
pewter, paintings, table linens, window curtains, china, and teawares 
increased with social class (Weatherill 1988: 185). There were important 
exceptions, however. People with commercial occupations (merchants, 



106 



107 


















shopkeepers, and innkeepers) were more likely than the gentry to own the 
latest fashionable items and the professional classes tended to own the most 
books and clocks (Weatherill 1988: 187). Some goods marked a social 
boundary. Possession of china, teaware, and looking glasses, common in 
households of emerging middle classes, were rare in houses of the yeomanry. 
Access to a market town or other distribution center was also important. For 
example, ownership of china and teawares was more common for 
households in London, where these goods were commonly available, then 
for households in outlying regions (Weatherill 1988: 187-188). 

Studies of consumer behavior and cultural variability in historical 
archaeology have used many of the same methods for collection, 
quantification, and comparison of data employed in Weatherill's and 
Shammas' work. The archaeological literature includes both studies which 
have drawn largely on probate inventories for data (Beaudry 1978; Costello 
1992; Friedlander 1991; Gasco 1992; Stone 1970; Yentsch 1983) and those which 
have used data from archaeological contexts, often in conjunction with 
probate records (Baugher and Venables 1987; Bragdonl988a; Brastner and 
Martin 1987; Dyson 1982; Klein 1991; LeeDecker et al. 1987; McBride and 
McBride 1987; Pendery 1992; Pyszczyk 1989; Shephard 1987; Spencer-Wood 
and Heberlingl987). A related branch of study is research into material 
patterning among different status levels at plantation sites (Orser 1987, 1992; 
Otto 1977, 1980, 1984; Singleton 1985). 

The above studies can be grouped into three major approaches: studies 
of cultural variation, studies of the links between material culture and 
socioeconomic position, and studies of women as agents or decision makers 
in the purchase of household goods. 



108 



The first approach stems from the work of James Deetz (1977, 1988a, 
1988b) in linking temporal and spatial variations in material culture to 
regional cultural traditions and changes in world view. Pendery (1992) in a 
study of probates from Charleston, Massachusettes, circa 1630-1760, argued 
that early Puritan society emphasized the home as the domain of the family 
and that this attitude gradually gave way to use of the home for social 
gathering. The transition is marked by an increase in domestic furnishings 
and utensils for serving tea and coffee (Pendery 1992: 67-69). Yentsch (1983), 
in a study of probate inventories from seventeenth century New England, 
found that sleeping and cooking habits, consumption of alcohol, husbandry, 
and possession of various categories of durable goods varied by region and 
could often be identified as carry-overs from regional traditions in England. 

The second and to date most popular approach, sometimes referred to 
as studies of consumer choice (c.f., Spencer-Wood 1987), has focused on 
ceramics as archaeological indicators or predictors of socioecomic position. 
More often than not, these studies have focused on only socioeconomic 
position as an explanatory variable for the types of ceramics that occur at sites. 
Since the approach focuses on the correlation between site socioeconomic 
status and the cost or value of earthenwares in site assemblages, it has relied 
heavily on the pricing indices for British tablewares and teawares as 
developed by George Milller (1980, 1991; Miller and Hunter 1990) from 
extensive study of pottery production, distribution, and pricing in eighteenth- 
century England. Using prices lists and price-fixing agreements from British 
pottery manufacturers, Miller determined that price was largely a function of 
decoration. He then published an index of prices for different decorative 
types keyed to the price of creamwares, the most inexpensive ware on the 
market. It received a price index value equal to 1 and other wares were 



109 









indexed according to how expensive they were in relation to creamware. 
Miller's price indices cover the period 1787 to 1880. 

Archaeological studies of consumer behavior have used these price 
indexes as a means of comparing assemblages from sites of different 
socioeconomic or occupational status. Calculation of the index for an 
assemblage is described in Miller (1991: 4-5). First, vessels are divided 
according to vessel form-flatwares, bowls, or teawares-and decorative type. 
Then each vessel is scored according to the price index value provided by 
Miller. The index value for the assemblage is the sum of the vessel values 
divided by the number of vessels (see Miller 1980, 1991, for examples). 

Recently, Potter (1992) has criticized Miller's price index system. He 
maintains that earthenwares were sold in sets of six or twelve and that price 
indices should be based on these "purchasable units" rather than on a per 
item basis, as in Miller's index (Potter 1992: 18). Notwithstanding the logic of 
Potter's arguments, there seems to be little difference between the two 
systems. When Potter retested data from sites originally used by Miller he 
obtained similar results. At the same time, the purchasable unit strategem 
requires a great deal of interpolation in the quantification of assemblages, 
since the recovery of one broken dish implies the existence of either five or 
eleven others. It therefore seems to offer little advantage over Miller's. 

In general, comparison of Miller's indices for ceramic assemblages 
from sites of differing economic and occupational status has demonstrated 
findings consistent with those reported by Weatherill and Shammas. 
Socioeconomic status was the most important factor in consumer behavior 
and the prevalence of some types of ceramics, notably cups and saucers for tea 
and hot drinks, increased with social ranking (Beaudry 1978; Dyson 1982; 
Spencer-Wood 1987; Spencer-Wood and Heberling 1987). As with the studies 






110 



of English and colonial probates, however, other factors could influence 
consumption. These are significant enough to be enumerated below. 

The final approach, focusing on the role of women as consumers, 
represents a relatively recent type of study. Most notable are Klein's (1991) 
work on nineteenth-century sites from the Middle Atlantic States and Wall's 
(1991) comparison of two middle class households from nineteenth century 
New York. These studies appear to have emerged in part from Shammas' 
comments that female members of households may have been largely 
responsible for decisions about purchases of tablewares and other domestic 
expenditures (1990: 186). Both studies criticized other consumer behavior 
models in archaeology for ignoring womens' influence on apportioning 
household budgets and selecting domestic furnishings. While this criticism 
is justified, it is also true that Klein's and Wall's own studies were unable to 
statistically separate the influence women exerted on household economy 
from other variables such as rural or urban location of sites, family size and 
makeup, or socioeconomic position. Indeed, ceramic indices for Wall's study 
tended to affirm the importance of the latter. At the two sites used in her 
study, distinctions in social rank were marked by better quality teawares, a 
pattern noted by other researchers in other studies (see Wall 1991: 75). 

The difficulties encountered by Klein and Wall should indicate that 
studies comparing material culture across households must include strict 
control over variables likely to affect what or how much the occupants 
purchased. There are many variables other than socioeconomic position and 
gender. In general, advocates of the consumer behavior approach have 
emphasized that researchers should seek units of analysis-either households 
or neighborhood blocks-whose occupants can be identifed through 
documents. Obviously, sites should also date to the same time period, in 






11 1 



order to avoid temporal distortions. However, numerous other variables 
have also been shown to influence consumption. These are: location of the 
site in relation to major distribution centers (market access); occupation of the 
household head; life cycle of the household; power relations; and ethnicity. 
All of these are considered below, with special attention given to ethnicity. 

Market Access 

This variable was already mentioned in relation to Weatherill's 
findings that ownership of teawares was more common in London than in 
outlying areas. Archaeologically-based studies of commodity flow (Riordan 
and Adams 1985) and of isolated frontier communities (Miller and Hurry 
1983) have also shown that proximity to a commercial center affects material 
assemblages. This variable can be controlled by comparing sites within the 
same market area, but relatively few studies of consumer behavior have had 
access to large numbers of well documented, contemporary sites from the 
same town. A community study approach, as employed here, is one method 
of coping with this problem. 

Occupation 

Again, this variable was apparent in the research by Weatherill and 
Shammas. It has also been documented in archaeological contexts. Pendery 
(1992) found that vessels recovered from the cellar of a seven teenth-centurv 
sea captain in Massachusetts testified strongly to a correlation between 
occupation and domestic furnishings. Tin-glazed wares included English and 
Dutch delfts, commonly found on colonial English sites, but also comprised 
Portuguese, Spanish, and Italian majolicas, as well as Spanish olive jars. 
Olive jars were commercial wares used in Spanish shipping. Majolicas were 

































fairly rare in the New World outside of Spanish distribution systems. The 
presence of these vessels in Massachusetts apparently reflected the sea 
captain's ties to commerce and foreign ports of trade. In another study, 
Bragdon (1988a) compared a farm site and a tavern from Massachusetts circa 
1700. She found that the two sites differed along occupational lines, with 
more drinking vessels, wine glasses, and pipe fragments in the tavern 
assemblage. Comparative studies thus cannot ignore occupation as a partial 
determinant of household furnishings and durables. 






Household Life Cycle 

Even with other variables controlled, studies of the same households 
over time have shown that archaeological assemblages vary as the size of the 
household increases or decreases. The presence of children or elders in the 
household also affect expenditures and provisioning (LeeDecker et al. 1987). 
This was found to be less important for comparisons of food remains and 
diet-which remained consistent through time-than for the presence of other 
goods, such as alcohol and medicines. 



Social Power 



112 



This is a variable which has been largely ignored in the study of 
nineteenth-century American sites but which becomes critical when 
comparing various strata at plantations Orser notes that the meaning 
inferred from artifact patterns varies depending on whether people are free to 
make their own choices in the marketplace or not. Where goods are 
provided through an intermediary who can dictate certain material 
conditions, such as a master or factor of a plantation, findings based on 
consumer choice may not apply (Orser 1992). 


















113 

Control over these variables was part of research design in this study. 
Market access, or distance from the marketplace, is perhaps the best-controlled 
of all variables in this study. All the households examined were located 
inside the town walls of St. Augustine and therefore within the same market 
and distribution system. Other variables are controlled through 
documentation. All sites selected for study were contemporaneous. The 
households occupying the site were identified from historic maps, tax lists, 
censuses, and probates. The same sources provided information on the size 
and make-up of households at various periods of time. Occupation of the 
household head was determined from census and probate information, while 
socioeconomic position was assessed through several means, including 
ownership of slaves, tax assessments of property, and assessment of estates 
from probate records. From these criteria, sites were ranked in relation to one 
another. Assignment of ethnic affiliation has already been discussed 
extensively in earlier chapters. 

Ethnicity and Consumption 
Even taking into consideration the above factors, the case for an 
interrelationship between socioeconomic position and consumption seems 
clear. The case for ethnicity is somewhat more controversial. For instance, 
there have been many studies to show that local environment, 
socioeconomic position, and other factors have more influence than ethnicity 
on human foodways (McGuire 1982; Honerkamp and Reitz 1983; Reitz 1979). 
Recent articles, however, have brought ethnicity much more to the forefront 
as both something which influenced human behavior in the past and which 
is detectable in archaeological patterning. One of the few clear-cut 
demonstrations of the influence of ethnicity on purchasing patterns is a 






114 






dissertation by Heinz Pyszczyk (1988, 1989) on consumer habits of two 
ethnically distinct groups of fur traders in western Canada during the late 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 

Pyszczyk set out specifically to design a test case on whether ethnicity 
was observable through patterning in material culture. From documents he 
was able to identify two groups, French Canadians and Orkneymen, with 
marked cultural distinctions in the way they dressed, lived, and behaved 
(Pyszczyk 1989). Pyszczyk next reviewed account books available from 
trading post company stores and quantified the types of goods bought by 
French Canadians and Orkneyman. He found that the two groups differed 
observably in their purchase of utilitarian items, including types of food, 
clothing, and tools, as well as in use luxury items such as tobacco, 
hankerchiefs, and other items (Pyszczyk 1989: 227-228). In order to test his 
findings, Pyszczyk applied various statistical procedures. For example, he 
noted the presence and absence of goods in account books and then derived 
Jaccard's Similarity Coefficient to measure the correlation of purchases with 
group membership. The results demonstrated that purchasing behavior 
within ethnic groups, while variable, was more similar than that between 
ethnic groups. 

Pyszczyk then extended his analysis to compare archaeological 
assemblages from French Canadian and Orkney sites spread across two 
different regions. The greatest similarity between assemblages was at sites of 
the same ethnic group within the same region. The next greatest similarity 
was between sites of the same ethnic group in different regions (Pyszczyk 
1989: 230-234). A cluster analysis, based on the similarity coefficients derived 
from both the documentary and archaeological sources of data, also grouped 
units of analysis by ethnicity. In order to ensure that results were not due to 



115 









biasing factors, such as sample size, length of occupation at a site, or region, 
Pyszczyk ran a multiple regression with these three factors and ethnic 
affiliation as the independent variables. The four variables accounted for 
most of the variability observed in artifact distributions (R2 = .974) and 
ethnicity was the best predictor of variability (Pyszczyk 1989: 237-238). In a 
final analysis, the study also showed that differences between the French 
Canadians and Orkneymen tended to dissipate as both groups acheived 
greater prosperity. This seems to support contentions that material 
boundaries between groups are most evident in situations marked by 
competition (Pendery 1992), and that ethnicity may be interrelated with low 
occupational or economic status (Clark 1987). 

The most important aspect of Pyszczyk's work, however, was in 
demonstrating that the archaeological study of ethnicity is possible and that it 
can be productive. However, such study requires a research design with 
control over the many variables— some cultural, some resulting from 
preservation and sampling of deposits— which can affect the distribution of 
artifacts in a site assemblage. The research design and methods employed by 
Pyszczyk formed the basis for the comparison of Spanish and Minorcan 
assemblages described in this chapter. These methods are: control over 
variables, use of similarity coefficients to measure the degree of correlation 
between different site assemblages, and use of cluster analysis and multiple 
regression both to display how sites were grouped and to test what factors 
appear to explain similarities and differences in assemblages. The principal 
difference in the methodology employed here is that it is limited to one 
category of evidence recovered from documents-costume-and two categories 
recovered archaeologicially-earthenwares and vertebrate food remains. 






116 






Methodological Considerations Governing the Comparison 
and Quantification of Ceramic Assemblages 

In establishing a basis for comparing sites according to their ceramic 

assemblages, analysis had to cope with four difficulties: selection of samples; 

accounting for redeposition of early colonial materials in late colonial 

contexts; defining of units of analysis; and quantifying the units. 

Control Over Redeposition and Sample Bias 

The first two problems are interrelated. In multicomponent urban 
sites such as St. Augustine's, the potential for archaeological deposits to be 
mixed or disturbed after deposition is great. Redeposition occurs when 
materials which are already in the ground are shifted or removed by later 
activities and become incorporated into zone, trash pits, or other features 
with which they are not temporally associated. It is common to find 
fragments of sixteenth-century majolicas in contexts from the late 
seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. Disturbed contexts include those 
in which a later activity-such as digging a pit for trash-cuts into an earlier 
deposit and introduces later materials into it. Deagan (1983) has provided 
guidelines for dealing with both disturbance and redeposition in deposits of 
the First Spanish Period (1565-1763). Disturbance is generally controlled in 
the field by carefully isolating difference proveniences during excavation. 
Redeposition is not controllable. Researchers must simply be aware of the 
problem and keep it in mind during analysis. 

Late colonial archaeological depositions are especially susceptible to 
redeposition. In zone or sheet deposits from late colonial contexts it is 
possible to recover European and aboriginal ceramics dating from all time 












117 

periods in St. Augustine. Redeposition occurs not only in zone but also in 
closed context deposits such as trash pits and wells. 

The problem of controlling for redeposition was a critical concern in 
deriving samples for this study. Obviously, to include redeposited ceramics as 
part of analysis would destroy the essential bridging argument in archaeology 
that materials recovered from deposits represent the result of use and 
disposal of the household under consideration. The author therefore made a 
series of decisions about ceramic assemblages. Only materials from closed 
context features such as trash pits, wells, and privies were used in analysis. 
This decision reflected the assumption that redeposited materials could be 
most easily identified and eliminated from feature deposits. A study of 
average sherd size and weight from late colonial sheet deposits and features 
supported this assumption. The average weight of sherds from middens, 
trash pits, and wells and privies at the late colonial sites used in this study 
were calculated and compared. Sheet deposits tended to have the smallest 
sherds on average, suggesting that materials in these deposits are mixed, 
compacted, and crushed after deposition. This process of compaction and 
fragmentation affected all redeposited fragments from earlier periods and 
earthenwares dating to the late colonial period. By contrast, in trash pits, 
wells, and privies, there was a distinct difference between the average size of 
redeposited ceramics and the size of those dating between 1760 and 1820. 
Redeposited sherds-identified based on their date ranges-were still small. 
However, sherds dating to the late colonial period occurred in larger and 
larger fragments as one moved from sheet deposits to trash pits to wells and 
privies. The author's conclusion was that this increase in average weight 
reflected the fact that late colonial ceramics, once they were discarded into a 
discrete deposit such as a pit or a well, were not subject to crushing and 






118 


















compacting and could be distinguished from redeposited materials based on 
considerations of both their dates of production and on size. 

Given this information, the author used both dating and methods of 
quantification to exclude redeposited materials from analysis. First, any 
earthenware that went out of production before the 1780s was taken out of the 
sample. This eliminated most redeposited materials. For those few ceramic 
types that began production prior to 1780 and continued into late colonial 
times, the author felt it would be possible to control for redeposition by using 
rim counts and minimum vessel counts. The assumption was that 
earthenwares discarded by the households in question would most likely be 
the ones best represented by large fragments or reconstructed vessels. Hence a 
quantification by rim and vessel count would further minimize the risk of 
including redeposited materials in analysis. 

The use of assemblages from closed contexts alleviated the problem 
posed by redepostion; however it created another problem. In contrast to 
materials in zones, which accumulate over time, the contents of trash pits, 
wells, and privies represent materials deposited over a short period of time. 
Hence, they can reflect specialized or idiosyncratic events and present a biased 
view of household material culture. 

This problem also was considered but rejected as forming no serious 
impediment in this case. A comparison of ceramics recovered from zone, 
trash pits, and wells at SA-26-1, the Bousquet household, indicated that all 
these deposits reflected similar distributions of ceramics at the site (Zierden 
1981: 69-70). Similarly, ceramics recovered from a privy at SA-35-2, which had 
a terminus post-quern of 1805, were the same types recorded in the probate 
record for that household from 1817. This suggests that ceramics disposed of 









as trash do in fact reflect household consumer choices that may remain stable 
for some time. 

There is less comparative information available for other sites in the 
samples but the strategy for choosing provenience for study should mitigate 
against specialized or unrepresentative samples. Materials from SA-7-6 and 
SA-12-26 came from numerous trash pits (see Appendix F) that represent 
more than one episode of deposition. The ceramics from SA-7-6 come from 
pits with terminus post querns between 1800 and 1813. Those from SA-12-26 
have a narrower date range of 1795 to 1805. 

Material from the well at SA-16-23 was also compared to published 
distributions of ceramics from other proveniences at the site (McMurray 1975: 
52). The ratio of cream ware to edged ware to annular ware (based on sherd 
counts) was the same. Relative frequency of ceramic types in the assemblage 
from the well (based on rim counts) was virtually identical with site-wide 
distribution of ceramics sherd counts for the site as a whole. 

Material from SA-34-3 came from a single, short-term deposition of 
trash. The provenience was a lens within a large trash pit (diameter = 3 
meters) at the back of the Segui house. This lens (Lens B) consisted entirely of 
expended charcoal fuel from the family's bakery, food remains, and 
household trash (Cusick 1993). A lower lens of the same trash pit (Lens C) 
consisted of a large set of broken creamware plates and serving dishes. This 
material was not included in analysis. It was impossible to determine from 
context or from research in household documentary records if this 
dinnerware set represented a household purchase or damaged commercial 
stock held by Segui in his capacity as merchant. In addition, the set clearly 
represented an unrepresentative and idiosyncratic sample (people do not 
break a set of dishes every day). The distribution of ceramics from Lens B 



119 









120 















reflected a high incidence of creamware and low incidence of edged ware at 
SA-34-3. This distribution was also reflected in data from zone and trash pits 
excavated in a different part of the site during a 1981 fieldseason (see Johnson 
1981) indicating that it is not a function of sampling bias. The high incidence 
of creamware in Lens B was also not a result of mixing with the broken dishes 
in Lens C. No cross-mends were found between these two lenses. 

Certainly the data presented here are subject to further confirmation, 
either by additional analysis of site proveniences or by analysis of other sites. 
However, there seems little basis to suspect the sample used was biased or 
compromised. Faunal data were drawn from the same proveniences and, as 
will be shown in the discussion of foodways, the only outstanding evidence 
for a specialized activity affecting a sample was at the Papy site. 

Classification and Quantification of Assemblages 

A second and greater problem in quantification of earthenwares was 
trying to decide what to quantify. Miller has offered numerous warnings 
against using archaeological ceramic types when looking at consumer 
behavior (1980, 1987, 1991). Earthenwares were not recognized or sold in the 
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries according to the modern 
designations created by archaeologists. Hence it was necessary to come up 
with a classification of earthenwares which approximated as closely as 
possible the system people used during the late colonial period in St. 
Augustine. For this the author relied on Miller's decorative ware groups 
which are based on emic categories for ceramics used by potters and pottery 
merchants to describe and price the wares with which they dealt. This is the 
first attempt to apply Miller's emic classification system to Spanish American 



121 



sites and, as discussed below, some modifications had to be made to fit the 
classification to the St. Augustine market system. 

Miller's work on British pottery production has marshalled an 
enormous quantity of data to demonstrate that potters priced and sold 
ceramics according to decorative types (Miller 1980, 1991). Pricing was 
governed by how wares were decorated, and not by qualities of the paste or 
glaze which are used by archaeologists to identify and date ceramics. The 
cheapest wares available from the 1780s were undecorated cream wares, called 
cream-colored ware in potter's terminology, and identified in price lists and 
price fixing agreements as CC (Miller 1980, 1991: 5). Price increased with 
decoration. Miller has identified and described the types in numerous articles 
(see also Noel Hume 1973, 1982). 

The definitions given here are from a 1989 article written in 
conjunctions with Ann Smart Martin and Nancy S. Dickinson. Several 
varieties of creamware as well as edged ware are depicted in Figure 6. The 
remaining decorative types are distinguished primarily by the application of 
color through the use of slips, hand-painted design, or transfer-printing. 
They are not depicted. Definitions are as follows: 

CC. "The potters' term for cream color or creamware which was 
undecorated and the cheapest available." 

Edged. "The potters' term for blue and green shell edged wares, mostly 
tablewares such as dishes (platters), plates, twiflers, muffins and some table 
serving pieces such as sauce boats and tureens. Edged wares were the cheapest 
table ware with decoration." 

Dipt- "A catch-all term applied to wares that were decorated with 
colored slips. Dipt wares included mocha, common cable, variegated, and 
other annular types. Dipt wares were mostly mugs, bowls, jugs (pitchers), and 














12 
















Figure 6: 



Examples of major classes of decorated ceramics. 
Cream-colored wares: feather edged, Royal, diamond motif. 
Edged: shell edge. Painted: polychrome floral tea cup, 
blue on white oriental motif saucer. 






123 





















chamberpots. They were the cheapest hollow wares available with 
decoration." 

Painted. "The term 'painted' most commonly refers to underglaze 
painted wares, which generally are tea wares." 

Printed. "The potters' terms for transfer printed wares. Printed occurs 
in tea, table, and toilet wares. Generally they are the most expensive wares" 
(Miller, Martin, and Dickinson 1989: 16). 

In addition, Miller also identified prices for various whitewares and 
stonewares and for English porcelain (for the relative cost of all these types, 
see Miller 1991: 12-22). 

By the period under investigation here, the late eighteenth and early 
nineteenth century, these British-made refined earthenwares were ubiquitous 
in Europe, North America, and peripheral areas of Spanish America (see 
Miller 1980; Miller, Martin, and Dickinson 1989; Shammas 1990). Due to the 
growth and expansion of trade in the Second Spanish Period they were 
abundant in St. Augustine and form the dominant types in late colonial 
ceramic assemblages. 

This being the case, Miller's decorative types were used as the basis for 
classifying ceramics in the assemblages from St. Augustine. Several pieces of 
information make this appropriate. First, analysis of shipping records and 
twenty years of excavation in St. Augustine have shown that British- and 
American-made earthenwares predominate at late colonial sites. This agrees 
completely with data from other parts of Spanish America, which were 
flooded with British refined earthenwares during the late eighteenth and 
early nineteenth centuries. 

Second, probate inventories from St. Augustine corroborate at least 
part of Miller's classification. An examination of probates with inventories of 






124 



household pottery demonstrated that in general vessel form, rather than 
decoration, was most often recorded. However, probates consistently referred 
to "platos blancos y ordinarios" (common-grade, white plates) and "platos con 
orillas azules" or "platos con orillas verdes" (plates with blue or green edges). 
These terms occured in association with forms common to creamwares and 
edged wares: large and small plates, bowls, tureens, teapots, gravy boats and 
condiment jars, as well as utilitarian forms such as champerpots for 
creamwares; plates, platters, serving dishes, and tureens for edged wares (see 
Appendix C). The probate record for SA-35-2, the household of Gaspar Papy, 
was especially helpful in interpreting terminology. Papy's probate inventory 
indicated that most of the household plates were either creamware or edged 
ware. This was confirmed from excavated data. 

Third, the potters' price lists used by Miller to develop a classification 
of wares were available during the eighteenth century in French and Spanish 
translation, indicating that the same typology was used in foreign markets 
(George Miller, personal communication, 1992). Evidence for price structure 
was not abundant in the St. Augustine probates, but the little evidence that 
existed tended to confirm Miller's findings. Miller noted that edged wares 
cost about one-and-a-half times as much as creamwares (1991: 12). This was 
also the price difference indicated in St. Augustine between "platos con orillas 
azules" and "platos blancos y ordinarios" (see Appendix C). 

Based on Miller's classificatory system, ceramics in the St. Augustine 
database were assigned to the following categories: CC or creamware, edged, 
dipped, painted, and printed. Stonewares and porcelains were also given 
their own category. 

This basic classification then had to be modified and extended to cover 
other types of earthenware commonly found in St. Augustine (see Table 6-1). 



125 






In addition to the ceramics noted above, which are refined, high-fired 
earthenwares, St. Augustine assemblages commonly contain British- and 
American-made leadglazed slipwares, Mexican glazed or painted forms, and 
three types of tin-enameled wares: delfts, faiences, and majolicas. These 
wares were also incorporated into the classification system as separate 
categories, based in part on information about distribution systems in St. 
Augustine and in part on references in probate records. 

Table 6-1. Categories of Earthenwares Used for St. Augustine 



CC (undecorated creamware) 

Delft and Faience 

Dipped 

Edged 

Majolica 

Mexican Unglazed Tableware 

Painted 

Porcelain 

Printed 

Slipware 

Spanish Leadglazed 

Stoneware 



Data from shipping records suggest that earthenwares, like other goods, 
reached St. Augustine through different trade links. Spanish and Mexican 
earthenwares arrived via Havana. Based on their relative scarcity and the 
high price of goods from Havana, these earthenwares probably were more 
expensive than comparable non-Spanish tin-enamel or leadglazed forms. 
Moreover, both shipping records and probates commonly identified pottery as 
Spanish-made. References to l oza de Catalan or tinaja de Espana were fairly 
common. The differences in both commodity flow and terminology for these 






126 



earthenwares suggested they should be distinguished in analysis. The basic 
classification used for earthenwares is presented in Table 6-1. 

This classification incorporates Miller's emic types. It does not, 
however, rely on Miller's price indices. To date, there is insufficient evidence 
that prices in operation in the U.S. market also applied to Spanish St. 
Augustine. 

The final difficulty encountered in preparing data was in determining 
how to quantify the assemblages. Previous studies have relied on several 
methods for assessing what category of earthenwares are present in an 
assemblage and what proportion of they assemblage they represent. The most 
common methods are sherd counts, sherd weights, rim counts, rim counts 
augmented by counts of distinctive body sherds, and estimates of the 
mininum number of vessels. Miller (1991) recommends use of mininum 
number of vessels. Some researchers have used Miller's pricing indices for 
sherds counts, rim counts, and vessel counts at the same sites and have found 
little variation in results (Spencer- Wood 1987). This analysis relied on four 
methods of quantification: sherd counts, sherd weights, rim counts, and 
estimates of the mininum number of vessels. Sherd counts and weights 
tended to be skewed in favor of fragmented or whole vessels respectively. 
They provided a basic control over data but where not especially useful in 
comparing assemblages. Rim counts and mininum vessel counts produced 
the most reliable assessment of assemblages. 

All data entries on table and tea and utilitarian wares were coded 
according to this classification system and then quantified by (a) their 
frequencies and (b) their relative frequencies. Relative frequency was the 
percentage of total sample size consisting of all ceramic types noted in Table 
6.1. Relative frequencies based on rim counts were used in a cluster analysis. 



127 



Vessel counts were also used for cluster analysis, but because of problems in 
dependent variables the clustering was based only on simple coding for 
presence or absence. The correlation and hierarchical clustering software 
used was for the Macintosh SE/30 version of Systat 5.0. Use of this software 
allowed site assemblages to be compared according to similarity coefficients 
and to then be displayed in groups according to their degree of similarity. 



Methodological Considerations: Cluster Analysis of Sites 
Systat 5.0 provides an hierarchical agglomerative clustering that will 
join the most similar cases (in this case, most similar site assemblages) and 
then add cases to extant clusters, forming a branching hierarchy (Aldenderfer 
1977: 5). Hierarchical clustering has been used with great success in 
archaeology to help classify or group materials using a numerical basis for 
determining similarity (Doran and Hodson 1975: 174-176). The steps 
involved in cluster analysis are choosing attibutes for comparison and scoring 
them, creating a data matrix, deriving similarity coefficients for the cases to be 
compared, executing the cluster analysis, and interpreting and validating the 
results (Aldenderfer 1977: 11-15; Doran and Hodson 1975; Saunders 1986: 45). 

Cluster analysis is an appropriate procedure provided certain 
conditions are met. The first is that the attributes chosen are relevant to the 
questions being asked and the data being compared. For the St. Augustine 
data, each site assemblage constituted a case. The attributes for each case 
consisted of the ware categories discussed previously. The rationale for 
defining the categories and their relevance to consumer choice have already 
been given. Attributes were scored as either the frequency of a category, as the 
relative frequency of a category represented as a percent of the total 
assemblage, or as present or absent. 









128 









The second condition is that attributes be independent. Using two 
closely correlated attributes in effect means that assemblages are compared 
across the same variable twice; this weights the attributes and distorts the 
similarity between assemblages. 

Since use of dependent variables renders cluster analysis invalid, care 
was taken to ensure that only independent attributes were used in data 
matrices. Each time a matrix for ceramics was created for clustering, it was 
entered into the correlation program of Systat 5.0 which will calculate a 
variety of similarity coefficients. This program was used to determine if ware 
categories correlated to one another and therefore broke the condition of 
independence. In fact, this was often the case. For instance, the amount of 
creamware at a site usually correlated negatively with the amount of transfer- 
printed ware present. In practical terms, this meant that comparing 
assemblages by how much creamware was present and by how little transfer- 
printed ware was present in effect made the same comparison twice. The two 
variables were not independent and including both in a cluster analysis 
would result in a weighting of these attributes. In cases where two or more 
variables showed significant correlation, independence of attributes was 
achieved by deleting some attributes from consideration. In other cases, it 
was achieved by scoring variables simply as present or absent. 

Once the condition of independence was met, a new matrix was created 
using the correlation program in Systat 5.0 to generate similarity coefficients 
for the site assemblages. Choice of which similarity coefficients to use was 
dictated by the numerical scale used in coding (ratio, ranked or ordinal, or 
binary). For ratio and ordinal scales the corresponding coefficients were 
Pearson r and Spearman rank r. For binary data, scored as 1 for present and 
for absent, there were two appropriate coefficients: positive matching and 






129 












Jaccard's. Both of these are based on the number of times that two 
assemblages had the same attribute, or category of earthenware, present. Both 
ignore negative matches or counting the absence an attribute from two 
assemblages as a similarity (Aldenderfer 1977: 14; Doran and Hodson 1975: 
141). Positive matching and Jaccard's coefficients created similar clustering of 
assemblages. Since Jaccard's coefficient also controlled for the total number of 
attributes present in each assemblage, clusters based on this coefficient are the 
ones reported in data presentation. 

Matrices generated by the correlation program were then entered into 
the cluster program and the resulting clusters examined. Three algorithms 
were used for clustering: single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's 
linkage. These algorithms apply different criteria for joining cases to clusters 
and can result in different clusters from the same data. Single linkage 
clustering "specifies that an individual may join a cluster if it has a certain 
level of similarity with at least one of the members of a cluster" (Aldenderfer 
1977: 9). Single linkage has a tendency to create long, chain-like clusters 
which are difficult to interpret; however, some researchers prefer it as the 
only algorithm which meets all mathematical criteria for cluster analysis 
(Aldenderfer 1977: 17; Doran and Hodson 1975: 176; Jardine and Sibson 1971). 
Complete linkage "is the opposite of single-linkage analysis. Instead of an 
entity joining with only one entity in a cluster, complete linkage requires that 
an entity be within a specified level of similarity with all members of that 
cluster" (Aldenderfer 1977: 9). Ward's method is a compromise between the 
two, which assigns cases to clusters by averaging the distance between them. 
It has been used in several archaeological applications of cluster analysis 
(Cordell 1984; Rice and Saffer 1982; Saunders 1986). The cluster program in 
Systat automatically recognized which similarity coefficient had been 






130 



employed and converted these coefficients to measures of distance where 
appropriate. 



CHAPTER 7 
TEAWARES, PLATES, AND UTILITARIAN WARES 



This chapter presents and discusses the data derived from the analysis 
of ceramic assemblages representing earthenwares in use at the six sites under 
consideration. Data are presented both in tabular form and as the results of 
cluster analysis. Associated tables of statistics are in Appendix D. 

Initial Data Analysis: Sherd Counts and Weights 

As a means of obtaining a preliminary understanding about the 
distribution of earthenwares within and across site assemblages, the 
assemblages were quantified according the the total sherd count and the total 
sherd weights for each category of ware. The quantified counts and weights 
and the percentages they represent in each assemblage are reproduced in 
Table 7-1 and 7-2. As discussed below these methods of quantification 

■ 

revealed more about the biasing effects of differential breakage than they did 
about human behavior related to the choice, use, and disposal of 
earthenwares. 

Site Assemblages Compared by Sherd Counts 

Table 7-1 of the sherd counts in site ceramic assemblages would seem to 
reveal several similarities among sites. With the exception of the Usina 
assemblage, the most prevalent earthenwares are those in the CC or 
creamware category which composes from 33 to 62 percent of assemblages. 



131 



132 



One problem with sherd count data was that many sherds— especially those in 
the pearlware glaze family-could not be classified since they represented base 
or body sherds with no decorative information. 

Breakage of some vessels and not others also caused problems. Based 
on sherd counts, creamware composed almost half the assemblage from the 
Papy privy. What sherd counts failed to reveal was that most of the vessels at 
the site were complete edged ware plates and hand-painted teawares. 
Creamwares tended to be fragmentary and had a high frequency (N = 245) 
because they broke into more pieces. These broken pieces could represent 
material that was redeposited in the privy or a few creamware vessels which 
happened to shatter and create many fragments. The effect of differential 
breakage on sherd counts is apparent when Table 7-1 is compared with Table 
7-2 for sherd weights. 












Site Assemblages Compared by Sherd Weights 

Sherd weights were compiled and recorded in Table 7-2 to assess 
assemblages and control for differential breakage. Sherd counts tend to over- 
represent fragile, easily broken vessels or vessels subject to breakage after 
discard (Rice 1987: 291). Sherd weights, on the other hand, control for 
breakage but not for the presence of whole and framentary vessels in the 
same assemblage. 

There are clear differences between Tables 7-1 and 7-2. Relative 
frequencies for creamware remain stable, but at various sites the values for 
edged, printed, and slipped wares changes radically. This reflects the presence 
of complete or near-complete vessels in deposits. The only assemblage which 
was unaffected was from the Segui site, where most vessels were represented 
by fragments and counts and weights reflected similar distributions. The 


















133 









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135 






biggest difference occured for the Papy site. In the table based on sherd 
weights, edged wares accounted for more than 30 percent of the site 
assemblage as opposed to 8.5 percent in the table based on counts. This 
reflected the fact that most of the 46 edged wares recorded in Table 7-1 were 
whole plates while the 245 creamwares included about 20 whole vessels and 
many small sherds. 

Quantifying assemblages by weight helped to identify similar problems 
in other assemblages. A good example was the Usina assemblage. The sherd 
count data suggested that transfer-printed wares were a major component of 
this site assemblage. However, the 344 sherds in the assemblage only weighed 
115 grams and consisted of a few vessels and many minute fragments. 

Yet quantifying by weight also created biases. Slipwares were a minor 
part of the Usina assemblage when quantified by frequency (6 percent) but a 
major part when quantified by weight (50 percent). The difference is 
explained by the fact that the Usina well contained several whole or near- 
whole slipware dishes. Similar problems occured with the other assemblages. 

Discussion 

The differences created through quantification by sherd counts and 
weights pose a dilemna which is common in ceramic analyses: which method 
should the researcher trust? One solution is to apply a third method and 
characterize assemblages by an estimate of the minimum number of vessels 
present. Vessel counts make sense in analyses that seek to compare the kinds 
of earthenwares in use at different households. Such analyses should focus 
on the use and discard of vessels rather than on sherds, which are merely a bi- 
product of breakage as well as of other factors such as redeposition. 



136 



There are a variety of methods for deriving estimated vessel counts 
(see discussion in Rice 1987: 292-293). The method employed here is 
analogous to the calculation of MNI in zooarchaeology and is based on counts 
of cross-mended rim, basal, and body sherds supplemented by decorative 
information to derive a minimum estimate of the vessels in each assemblage. 
The quantification of the assemblages by vessel counts is justified for at least 
two reasons. First, while vessel counts may have unknown biases, it is at 
least clear that they reflect items used and discarded by a household. Second, 
the major differences between the results of vessel counts (as discussed below) 
and the results of sherd counts and sherd weights seem to be explainable by 
differential breakage. This should not be regarded as a defect in methodology 
since a major reason for using vessel counts is to mitigate against biases 
caused by breakage. 

Vessel Counts 

Two methods of deriving vessel counts were employed in analysis. 
The first was to quantify vessels by a count of all the rims present in each 
assemblage. This was a straightforward procedure since rim sherds were 
easily identifiable. However, many rims were small and had no diagnostic 
information about vessel form. Thus, rim data were compared only 
according to the ware categories already discussed and where not divided into 
different categories of vessel. 

The second method was to derive an estimate of vessels both by form 
and ware category. This was based in part on rim counts and also on counts 
of other diagnostic sherds such as bases and decorated body sherds. 
Comparison of site assemblages by rim count data was accomplished through 
cluster analysis. Comparsion of vessel counts for assemblages was achieved 



137 



through tabular charts and cluster analyses based on the presence and absence 
of items. Methods of quantification, data analysis, and results are discussed 
below. 

Site Assemblages Compared by Rim Counts 

The first method of vessel quantification was to use rim counts to 
compare assemblages. All rims, regardless of size, were pulled and cross- 
mended to reduce the effects of breakage. Next, rims were examined for 
vessel form, decorative motifs, glazing characteristics, and morphology. Any 
rims which appeared to belong to the same vessel were grouped as a unit and 
counted as the equivalent of one rim. In essence this meant that for each 
assemblage the database consisted of all vessels represented by a rim. 
Counting of rims was thus a crude method of estimating vessels; it was biased 
by the fact that it did not count vessels represented only as basal sherds or 
other parts of the vessel body. 

Nonetheless, rim counts seemed to eliminate the worst problems 
associated with sherd counts and weights. The relative frequency of 
creamware in each assemblage was consistent with results produced by sherd 
counts and sherd weights. The relative frequencies of ceramics based on rim 
data were often closer to the results of sherd weight than of sherd counts, 
suggesting it did control for differential breakage. However, rim counts were 
less prone to skew the data in favor of large, complete vessels as was the case 
with sherd weights. For instance, at the Usina site, the relative frequency of 
slipware, as given by rim counts, was between the values given by sherd 
counts and sherd weights. Values for painted wares were slightly inflated at 
all sites, perhaps because they commonly broke into large rim sherds. The 









138 









frequencies and relative frequencies derived for the rim count data are 
presented in Appendix D. 

Once counts were complete for each assemblage, rims were divided 
according to ware category and then the frequency within each category was 
counted. This frequency was then converted to relative frequency expressed 
as a percent of the total rim assemblage. Pearson r coefficients were generated 
to determine if there were correlations between ware categories. This 
procedure indicated that the frequency of hand-painted wares correlated 
negatively with the amount of dipped and leadglazed wares present. It was 
also affected by the sample size of the assemblage. 

These correlations violated the principle of using only independent 
variables in cluster analysis as discussed in the last chapter. The author 
therefore decided to eliminate hand-painted wares as an attribute used in the 
cluster analysis. This in effect weighted the presence of flatwares (plates and 
platters) in site assemblages, since hand-painted wares tend to be teawares and 
bowls. Porcelains were not present as rim sherds in any assemblage and this 
category was also eliminated. 

Other attributes were independent and Pearson r coefficients were 
generated for site assemblages. The Chi-Square Statistic that accompanied 
calculation of Pearson r had a value of p<.001 for 21 degrees freedom (see 
Appendix D). This allowed rejection of the null hypothesis that differences 
and similarities between assemblages were the result of chance. This matrix 
of similarity coefficients was then entered into the clustering program. 
Clusters were created using single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's 
method algorithms. The resulting clusters are depicted in Figure 7. All 
algorithms showed essentially the same clusters, with the cluster 
membership noted in Table 7-3. 



139 



SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 

-1.00000 
USK2) 



TRIO) 
PAP (6) 
SAN (3) 
SEG(7) 
BOUS(l) 



DISSIMILARITIES 



-0.80000 



COMPLETE LINKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 

DISSIMILARITIES 
-1.00000 
USI(2) 



TRI(S) 
PAP (6) 
SAN(3) 
SEG(7) 
30USU) 



I 



-0.50000 



WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD 
TREE DIAGRAM 

-1.00000 
USI(2) 



TRI(5) -- 



PAP (6) 

SAN (3) ! 

SEG(7) | 

BCUS(l) 



DISSIMILARITIES 



0.00000 






Figure 7: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method 
clusters based on rim count data. 









140 






One thing made clear by the analysis was the degree to which mass- 
production of British-made ceramics in the late eighteen:- and early 
nineteenth-century households altered earlier traditions of Spanish colonial 
material culture in St. Augustine . The work of Deagan and others on pre- 
1763 St. Augustine, focusing on upper-level Spanish households of the 
eighteenth century First Spanish Period, indicates that between 40 and 50 
percent of the ceramics were aboriginal coarse earthenwares, approximately 25 
percent were Spanish or Mexican majolicas and leadglazed wares, and less 
than 25 percent were products from Britain (Deagan 1983: 235-241). Thus, in 
the earlier period, British-made tablewares were an important component of 
kitchen material culture in Spanish Florida but were not the predominant 
component. 

Table 7-3. Sites Membership in Clusters Generated from Rim Counts 

Cluster 1 Cluster 2 Cluster 3 

Bousquet Papy Usina 

Sanchez Triay 

Segui 

For the late colonial period, British manufactures compose almost 90 
percent of most ceramic assemblages. With the exception of the Bousquet 
household, which had a relatively high incidence of majolica, Spanish and 
Mexican-made earthenware composed 5 percent or less of assemblages. 
Aboriginal coarse earthenwares dropped from use completely and, judging 
from shipping and probate records, much of the cookware and utilitarian 
ware for the period was copper, iron, and tin pots and sauce pans. Spanish 
earthenwares continued to be most evident in utilitarian. 



141 



With respect to the six assemblages in this study, the results from the 
rim count data essentially divided sites into two groups. Cluster 1 consisted 
of both Spanish sites and the prominent Minorcan household of the Seguis. 
Cluster 2 consisted of the well-to-do Minorcan household of the Papys and 
the poorer Minorcan household of the Triays. The Usinas, a Minorcan family 
whose socioeconomic position was probably somewhere between that of the 
Papys and Triays, joined this cluster at a lesser level of similarity. 

Validation of the Clusters 

A regression analysis was run to determine whether the groupings 
shown by the cluster analysis were based on correlations between assemblages 
that were statistically significant. The Bousquet assemblage was selected as 
dependent variable. The remaining five assemblages and a constant were the 
independent variables. The results (presented in Appendix D) confirmed that 
the distribution of ceramics at the Segui and Sanchez sites explained the most 
variance, or provided the best "fit", with respect to the distribution of wares 
at the Bousquet site. The fact that all three algorithms used in the cluster 
analysis produced similar clustering of assemblages was also considered 
validation that the clusters were "real" (Saunders 1986). 

Cowgill (1990) has warned that Pearson's r coefficient may not be the 
most appropriate statistic for assessing the similarity of assemblages and 
suggests instead use of a variation of the Brainerd-Robinson coefficient 

200-1 \piA-piB\ 

where p/A is the percentage of a type in collection A and p,- B is the percentage 
in collection B. This method was applied to the rim count data and the 



142 



resulting matrix is included in Appendix D. A cluster analysis run on this 
matrix produced the two basic groupings of Bousquet—Sanchez— Segui and 
Papy-Triay-Usina, again indicating that these clusters are "real" . 

Ceramic Assemblages in Cluster 1 

Both of the Spanish sites were grouped in Cluster 1. There were certain 
features common to the distribution of wares in these two assemblages. They 
were characterized by relatively large quantities of creamware and low 
quantities of edged ware and slip-decorated ware. British delftware was 
present at both sites in moderate amounts. The Sanchez household was the 
most diverse assemblage in the sample, having examples of all the ware 
categories under consideration. The Bousquet assemblage consisted mostly of 
creamwares, hand-painted wares, and majolicas. 

The assemblage from the household of the Minorcan Segui family was 
in most respects similar to the Spanish sites. It was the second most diverse 
assemblage in the sample and, like the above, was characterized by large 
quantities of creamware, low quantities of edged ware and slip-decorated 
wares, and moderate amounts of delft. This site was joined at the first level 
of clustering with the Bousquet site (see Figure 7). 

All of the sites in Cluster 1 also tended to have majolicas present. This 
was true of all six site assemblages. However, in the other assemblages-Papy, 
Triay, and Usina-majolicas was represented by small rims and could 
represent redeposition of Puebla, Mexico, majolicas from deposits of the 
earlier Spanish colonial period. When data were quantified by vessel counts 
(see below), the sites in Cluster 1 had the only assemblages which included 
late eighteenth-century or early nineteenth-century majolicas. 






143 

Clusters 2 and 3 

The remaining two clusters can be treated together since they were 
ultimately joined as one. This cluster included the remaining Minorcan sites: 
the well-to-do household of the Papys and the less affluent households of the 
Triays and Usinas. The Papy and Triay assemblages correlated closely because 
of similar relative amounts of creamware, edged ware, and transfer-printed 
ware. These were also the predominant categories present in the Usina 
assemblage. 

The high relative frequency of edged ware and transfer-printed ware in 
these assemblages was unexpected. According to Miller's price indices, edged 
ware was a cheap form of decorated plate but still more expensive than 
undecorated creamware. Printed wares were among the most expensive table 
and tea wares on the market. However, the St. Augustine data indicate these 
wares were uncommon at the affluent sites represented by Cluster 1 and 
present in significant amounts at the two poorest sites in the sample. 

Analysis Based on the Estimated Minimum Number o f Vessels 
One difficulty with comparing assemblages based on rim counts was 
the lack of control over vessel form. All rims-plates, cups, bowls, saucers, 
teapots-were included in analysis. The need to eliminate hand-painted 
wares from the database underscored the fact that resulting comparisons 
might be skewed by over-representation of flatware vessel forms. Previous 
studies have shown that households practiced different purchasing strategies 
for flatwares, bowls, and tea wares (Miller 1980; Miller and Hurry 1983; Miller, 
Martin, and Dickinson 1989). In addition, many studies in consumer 
behavior have shown that teawares tend to vary considerably depending on 
the socioeconomic position of households (see discussion in previous 



144 



chapter). It was thus deemed essential to run a comparison of site 
assemblages with control over vessel form. 

To create the necessary database entailed an estimate of the minimum 
number of vessels present in each site assemblage. The rim counts used in 
the last analysis became the basis for vessel counts. In addition, base and body 
sherds in each assemblage were re-examined. The count of vessels was 
increased for each basal sherd or body sherd which represented a vessel not 
previously included in the database. At all times, cross-mending, decoration, 
glazing, and morphology were used to determine whether base or body sherds 
represented a new vessel or part of one already counted. Body sherds were 
only counted if they bore decoration which made them distinct from vessels 
counted on the basis of rims or bases. Handles and lids were not included in 
assessing the minimum number of vessels. Rims, bases, and body sherds 
which could not be classified by vessel form were excluded from the final 
database. 

After deriving an estimated minimum number of vessels for each 
assemblage, vessels were divided into three categories: flatware (plates and 
platters), utilitarian wares (cooking pots, pitchers, jugs, milk pans, 
chamberpots), and teawares and bowls. The latter included the broadest range 
of vessel forms: teapots, cups, bowls, saucers, and shallow dishes. Optimally, 
these forms should have been divided into two categories representing 
teawares and bowls. However, many vessels existed as fragments and could 
not be definitively assigned to the cup or bowl category. 

The use of vessels as a basis for comparison allowed some refinement 
in the selection of attributes for comparison. Vessels were found to vary not 
only by general decorative category but also by variants in decorative motifs. 
Since samples sizes were small and clusters based solely on general decorative 



145 



categories would not discriminate between assemblages, the vessel data were 
grouped according to a type/ variant system. Such grouping systems have 
long been in used in historical archaeology (see South 1977a: 95-96 and 
Deagan 1983), and Pyszczyk employed a type/variant system in his study of 
consumer behavior at fur-trading sites (Pyszczyk 1989: 226-227). 

Teawares were divided first by vessel form (bowls and cups, saucers, 
and teapots), then by ware category, and then by decorative motif. For 
flatware, the assemblage was divided according to ware category, as in the 
previous analysis, and then subdivided when possible into decorative motif. 
Utilitarian wares were divided according to form and ware category only. 
This resulted in the categories shown in Table 7-4. Minimum vessel counts 
for teawares, flatwares, and utilitarian wares in each site assemblage are given 
in Tables 7-5, 7-6 and 7-7. 

Sample sizes for vessels were small. As a database, the vessel estimates 
provided the greatest amount of control over factors such as redeposition and 
breakage and also provided the most abundant information. However, due 
to small sample size, this database can be criticized as being unrepresentative. 
Interpretation of this database has to be made in conjunction with what is 
known about assemblages from sherd and rim data. Fortunately much of 
what is reflected in this database is corroborated by rim count data and to 
some extent by the sherd data (taking into account the problems already 
discussed). 

The vessel data will be discussed in general terms and then will be used 
as the basis for additional cluster analyses. Because of small sample size and 
problems with dependent variables, these clusters were derived based on 



146 





Table 7-4. The Catej 


^ories for Flatware, Tea 


ware, and 


Utilitarian Ceramics 




Plates/Platters 


Teawares 




Utilitarian wares 




Majolica 


BOWLS/CUPS 




CHAMBERPOT 




Delft 


Majolica 




Spanish variety 




Creamware 


Creamware 




Creamware 




Unscalloped 


Painted 








Feather-edged 


Floral polychrome 


STORAGE 




Royal 


Floral blue or 


i white 


Spanish jar 




Diamond 


Oriental blue 


on white 


Olive jar 




Edged ware 


Delft 




English leadglaze 




Blue 


Porcelain 




Faience 




Green 


Ironstone 




Stoneware 




Slipware 


Dipped 








Yellow on red 


Printed 




SERVING 




Yellow on brown 


Floral 




Spanish leadglaze 




Yellow, brown, 


Pastoral 




Creamware 




and brown swirled 










Ironstone 


SAUCERS 




MUGS 




Printed 


Painted 




Creamware 






Floral polychrome 


Dipped 






Oriental blue 


on white 


Slipware 






Ironstone 










Printed 




COOKING 






Floral 




Spanish leadglaze 






Oriental 




Slipware 






Pastoral 










Ironstone 




DRUG JAR 






Printed 




Delft 






Floral 




Faience 






Oriental 










Pastoral 










TEAPOTS 










Creamware 










Painted 










floral polychrome 








Oriental blue 


on white 








Porcelain 










Stoneware 










147 



Types 



Table 7-5. Teaware Decorative Types 
Bousquet Sanchez Seguf Papy Usina 



Triay 



BOWLS /CUPS 




CC 


6 


Delft b/w 





Delft, uid 





Dipped 


2 


Ironstone 





Majolica 


1 


Painted 




floral poly 


1 


floral b/w 





Oriental b/w 


1 


Porcelain 


2 


Printed 




Oriental scene 


1 


Pastoral 





Subtotal 


14 


SAUCERS 




Ironstone 





Painted 




floral poly 





Oriental b/w 





Printed 




floral 





Oriental scene 





Pastoral 






Subtotal 

TEAPOTS 

CC 3 
Painted 

floraly poly 

Porcelain 1 

Stoneware 1 

Subtotal 5 

TOTAL 19 



3 

1 

5 

1 


4 



2 


1 


17 



1 


2 

1 







1 

22 



2 


6 


1 





2 





1 





1 





1 





1 


2 


1 


4 


























3 


10 


2 


1 


1 


1 





1 


2 


2 


1 





1 


1 








1 











1 


1 









15 



1 



2 

17 



21 






6 

















1 





1 

















1 















1 




4 

32 










8 


















148 






Type 






Table 7-6. Plate Decorative Types 
Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay 



MAJOLICA 
Polychrome 2 

Blue on White 



1 





1 


















Subtotal 



cc 














Unscalloped 














with raised lip 


1 


2 


3 


11 


1 


1 


Feather edge 


1 


2 


5 





1 





Royal 


4 


1 


2 


1 





1 


Diamond motif 


1 


2 


1 












Subtotal 



11 



12 



EDGED 
Blue 
Green 



1 




3 

2 



2 
1 



12 
9 



3 
1 



2 
1 



Subtotal 



21 



)ELFT 
Polychrome 





1 














Blue on White 





1 








1 


1 



Subtotal 



SLIPWARE 
Yellow on red 
Brown on red 
Swirled yellow 
with two browns 


4 





1 


1 



2 











2 

1 


2 





Subtotal 


4 


2 


2 


— 


3 


2 


IRONSTONE 


• 



2 














PRINTED 














4 





TOTALS 


14 


19 


17 


33 


14 


8 



149 






Types 



Table 7-7. Utilitarian Ware Database 



Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay 



CHAMBERPOT/ 




BACIN 




CC 





Blue-green bacin 





Marineware 


1 


STORAGE/ 




SERVING 




Buckley 





CC 





El Morro 


2 


Faience 


1 


Leadglazed, uid 





Olive jar 


2 


Reyware 





Spanish storage jar 


3 


Stoneware 





MUGS 




CC 





Slipware 


2 



COOKING 
Spanish leadglazed 1 
Slipware 



DRUG JAR 
Delft 
Faience 

TOTALS 




1 

13 



1 

1 







o 
1 
1 



1 







1 








1 
1 

8 



1 


5 


1 


1 


1 











1 














1 











1 

















1 














o 


o 








1 


1 





n 


1 


1 











1 











1 


1 








2 








[ 





2 





1 





1 











1 

















1 












8 



13 



Table 7-8. Breakdown of Assemblages by Form/Function Categories 
Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay 



22 45% 17 40% 32 41% 8 28% 7 41% 

19 39% 17 40% 33 42% 14 50% 8 47% 

8 16% 8 20% 13 17% 6 22% 2 12% 



Total Teaware 


19 


41% 


Total Flatware 


14 


30% 


Total Utilitarian 


13 


29% 


TOTAL SAMPLE 


46 





49 



42 



78 



28 



17 



150 



presence /absence data and were used primarily as an objective means of 
demonstrating some of the observations made about distribution of vessels. 

Site Assemblages Compared by Their Range of Teawares 

As can be seen in Table 7-5, the most affluent sites had the greatest 
number and broadest range of teawares. The Papy assemblage consisted 
almost exclusively of hand-painted polychrome vessels, with a few 
creamwares and transfer-printed wares. The Segui assemblage was similar to 
Papy's but with fewer overall vessels. It was linked to Papy at the first level of 
clustering. Most of the vessels at the Bousquet household were creamwares 
or hand-painted wares of the blue on white variety. The Sanchez assemblage 
was also composed of creamware and hand-painted vessels but also had the 
highest incidence of delftware. Only two of households-Bousquet's and 
Papy's— had probate inventories which itemized movable goods and neither 
contained much information on teawares. Bousquet's probate of 1815 
mentioned that he possessed a copper tea kettle or coffee pot but made no 
mention of any of the earthenware materials recovered archaeologically. 
Papy's probate of 1817 included an assessment for nine small silver teaspoons 
but otherwise made no reference to utensils associated with tea or coffee 
drinking. 

The remaining assemblages-those from the Usina and Triay 
households-had small sample sizes. The Triay assemblage consisted of 36 
non-flatware rims and it was possible to derive only seven vessels that could 
be definitely attributed to a form category. Four of these were inexpensive 
dipped ware bowls or cups. The Usina assemblage included only ten vessels 
which could be reconstructed enough to provide vessel information. It is 
notable that there was no evidence for earthenware tea or coffee pots in either 



151 









of the assemblages. This does not necessarily mean such vessels were never 
part of household assemblages. Tin-plated tea kettles and coffee pots were 
widely available in St. Augustine and cost about the same amount (6 reales) 
as earthenware ones. Such thin metal pots would not survive well 
archaeologically. Unfortunately, no probate record was available for the 
Usina household and the probate for Juan Triay did not include a thorough 
inventory of kitchen equipment. 

Attempts to cluster these data were complicated by the 
interdependence of variables. It was noted at an early stage of analysis that 
hand-painted wares-a common type of teaware-tended to vary in relation to 
the sample size of the assemblage. In addition, many other decorative ware 
types tended to covary. Attempts to quantify these data by frequency and 
percent were abandonded because too many categories of ware had to be 
eliminated in order to make variables independent. 

The cluster analysis presented here was based on presence and absence 
of the types and variants listed in Table 7-4. Coding for presence and absence 
showed the range of wares in each assemblage. It was a crude form of 
quantification which masked differences in the assemblages. However, it did 
allow an objective measure of similarity based on the range of types within 
assemblages. 

In the bowl/cup category, the hand-painted polychrome variant was 
eliminated from analysis because it was present in all assemblages. Plain 
creamware and hand-painted vessels with Oriental motifs in blue on white 
were present in all assemblages except the the one from the Triay household. 
These categories also correlated with each other and hence had to be 
eliminated as dependent variables. All remaining categories were 
independent. Both positive matching and Jaccard's similarity coefficients 






152 



were generated for site assemblages. Figure 8 shows the clusters based on 
Jaccard's coefficient. 

Socioeconomic rank correlated closely with both the range of teawares 
and the proportion of each assemblage made up by teawares (see Table 7-8 and 
Figure 8). The basic division was between the affluent sites of Segui, Papy, 
Bousquet, and Sanchez and the poorer sites of Triay and Usina. 

There was some variation in the clustering of assemblages produced by 
different algorithms. Single and complete linkage showed a sequential 
joining of assemblages with the Triay and Usina assemblages as the last cases 
to be joined. Ward's method linkage first joined these two sites into a cluster 
and then added them to the hierarchy. 

One concern raised by the teaware data was the issue of assemblage 
sample size. While it is evident that the two main clusters clearly divide the 
affluent from the poor households, it is also true that these clusters separate 
the sites with large sample sizes from those with small sample sizes. Is the 
clustering a consquence of socioeconomic position or of sample size? 

In order to resolve this question, the cluster analysis program was used 
to rank sites according to when they joined the clustering hierarchy. This 
ranking was then used as a dependent variable in a regression analysis. 
Independent variables were socioeconomic rank, as generated in Chapter 4, 
ethnic affiliation, and two measures of sample size: all non-flatware rims and 
minimum vessels counts. Results, which are presented in Appendix D, 
indicated that the four independent variables and a constant accounted for 
about 99 percent of the variance in the dependent variable (see square r 
value). 

Socioeconomic rank was both the most important and most significant 
factor. The value of p for socioeconomic rank was .06 which was still within 












153 






SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 

-1.00000 
BOUSQOET(l) 



DISSIMILARITIES 



SEGUIO) 

PAPY(4) 

SANCHEZ (2) 



USINA(S) 

TRIAY(6) 



I 

I 
I 

♦ — 
— I 



o.oooco 



COMPLETE LINKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 

DISSIMILARITIES 
-1.00000 
BOUSQUET(l) 



SEGOIO) 

PARY(4) 

SANCHEZ(2) 

0SINA(5) 

TRIAY(6) 



I I 



1.00C00 



WARD MTNTMUM VARIANCE METHOD 
TREE DIAGRAM 

-1.00000 
3OUSQ0ET(l) 



SEGUIO) — 

PAPY(4) — 

SANCHEZ(2) — 

0SINA(5) — 

TRIAY(6) — 



DISSIMILARITIES 



I I 



1.QC000 



Figure 8: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method 
clusters based on teaware vessel counts. 



154 



the range allowing rejection of the model. However, a stepwise regression 
indicated that socioeconomic rank and the constant were the most significant 
independent variables in the regression and a second regression, based on 
only these variables, indicated that socoeconomic rank accounted for about 84 
percent of the variance in ranking based on distribution of teaware (p = .010). 
The values for p suggest that both this overall model and the fit between 
socioeconomic rank and cluster membership were statistically significant. 
Other variables, such as size of the household and total assemblage sample 
size, showed no correlation with ranking based on teaware data and hence the 
evidence is strong that distribution of teawares was related to socioeconomic 
position. 

Site Assemblages Compared by Their Range of Flatware 

The next vessel database analyzed was for flatware. Platters were fairly 
rare in comparison with plates and were not treated separately. As sample 
sizes were small (see Table 7-6) plates were not divided according to size. 
Flatware data tended to confirm what was already known about the Bousquet, 
Sanchez, and Segui assemblages. Creamwares were more abundant than 
edged wares. Moreover, these sites had the same range of creamware 
variants: plain unscalloped plates, plates with feather edging, Royal pattern 
creamwares, and platters or serving dishes with diamond embossing along 
the edges. Other sites had only one or two of these motifs. The Bousquet, 
Sanchez, and Segui sites were also the only assemblages to have examples of 
majolica in the plato or plate form. 

The Papy assemblage was composed primarily of plain unscalloped 
creamware plates and plates with blue and green edging. These were the 
same type of flatwares recorded in Papy's probate of 1817, which dates to about 



155 



12 years after the terminus post quern for the archaeological assemblage. The 
Triay and Usina sites had a similar range of creamwares and edged wares; 
however, they also included examples of delft and slip-decorated ware. The 
Minorcan assemblages of Segui, Papy, Triay, and Usina were thus quite 
variable for this category of earthenware. 

Data on flatware, like those for teaware, were recored as present or 
absent and used as the basis for a cluster analysis. Two decorative variants- 
plain, unscalloped creamwares and edged wares with blue rims— were 
eliminated from the database. These were present in all assemblages. They 
were also dependent variables. All other categories used were independent. 
Both positive matching and Jaccard's similarity coefficients were used as the 
basis for clustering site assemblages. 

The most significant result of the flatware data was the corroboration it 
provided for Cluster 1 as generated by the rim count data. Since the rim 
count data were skewed in favor of flatware, it was not unexpected that 
clusters based on these two databases would agree. As can be seen in Figure 9, 
which is based on Jaccard's similarity coefficient, the clusters generated from 
the plate and platter database again include Cluster l~Bousquet, Sanchez, and 
Segui-which appeared in the rim count data. The Papy and Triay sites also 
were paired in a cluster, as was the case with the rim count data. The Usina 
assemblage represented an outlier. The single and complete linkage clusters 
showed it as the last case to join the cluster hierarchy; Ward's method 
attached it at a fairly low level of similarity to Cluster 1. The two most 
significant groupings therefore were Cluster 1 (Bousquet-Sanchez-Segui) and 
Cluster 2 (Papy-Triay). 



156 



SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 



-1.00000 
USINA(S) - 

SEGUT<3) - 

BOUSQUETd) - 

SANCHEZ (2) - 

TRIAY(6) - 

PAPY(4) - 



DISSIMILARITIES 



— I 



0.00000 



COMPLETE LINKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR) 

TREE DIAGRAM 

DISSIMILARITIES 
-1.00000 
OSINA(S) 



SEGUK3) 

30USQUETU) 

SANCHEZ (2) 

TRIA*(6) 

?APY(4) 



0.00000 



-o.ioooo 
I 

-0.57143 

I 
-0.50000 

I 
-0.1666" 

-0.50000 



WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD 
TREE DIAGRAM 

-1.00000 
OSINA(S) '■ 



DISSIMILARITIES 



SANCHEZ (2) 

BOUSQUETd) 

SEGUK3) 

PAPY(4) 

TRIAY(6) 



1.00000 
-0.12732 
-0.51323 
-0.57143 

0.03891 
-0.50000 



Figure 9: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method 
clusters based on flatware vessel counts. 






157 



Site Assemblages Compared by Their Range of Utilitarian Wares 

The final database analyzed was for utilitarian wares. Data on 
utilitarian wares showed that use of Spanish forms for storage and cooking 
continued into the late colonial period even as Spanish tableware forms were 
becoming rare (see Table 7-7). Olive jar and storage jar were present at most 
sites, particularly at the two Spanish Sites. In fact, Spanish wares, in terms of 
their overall importance, were more abundant in this category of 
earthenware than in any other. Classic Spanish bacin forms-used as 
chamberpots-occurred only in the Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui assemblages. 
The other typical ware used as a chamberpot was creamware. 

Utilitarian wares were grouped by the form and general ware categories 
listed in Table 7-4. Categories were recorded as present or absent in site 
assemblages. A test for independence of variables using the correlation 
program showed that all variables were independent. Both positive 
matching and Jaccard's coefficients of similarity were generated for site 
assemblages and entered into the clustering program. Figure 10 depicts the 
clusters created using Jaccard's coefficient. 

Group membership in these clusters was again very close to that 
derived from rim count data. This suggests that the rim count database, 
which excluded the decorative category most commonly associated with 
teaware, was essentially calculating the similarity between assemblages based 
on relative frequencies of flatware and utilitarian forms. 

There was again some differences in the cluster hierarchy created bv the 
three algorithms. As with the data on flatware, the single and complete 
linkage methods tended to groups sites by Clusters 1 and 2 with the Usina site 
as an outlier. Ward's method linkage grouped the Usina assemblage with 
Cluster 1 at a low level of similarity. The utilitarian ware data can best be 



5 8 






SINGLE LINKAGE METHOD (NEAREST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 

-0.50000 
USINA(5> 

♦- 

SEGUTO) I 

BOUSQUET(l) ► 

I 
SANCHEZ (2) 

PAPY ( 4 ) 

TRIAY ( 6 ) 



DISSIMILARITIES 



"I 



0.00000 



COMPLETE LTNKAGE METHOD (FARTHEST NEIGHBOR) 
TREE DIAGRAM 

DISSIMILARITIES 

-0.50000 
USINA(5) 

+—- 

SEGUTO) I 

+ 

BOUSQUETU) ► 

I 
SANCHEZ (2) 

PAPY (4 ) 

TRIAY ( 6 ) 

WARD MINIMUM VARIANCE METHOD 
TREE DIAGRAM 

DISSIMILARITIES 
-1.00000 

SANCHEZ (2) : 

I 
BOUSQUETU ) + 

SEGUIO) I 

OSINA(S) I 

PAPY (4) I 

TRIAY (6) 



0.00000 



1.00000 






Figure 10: Single linkage, complete linkage, and Ward's method 
clusters based on utilitarian ware vessel counts. 



159 



interpreted as another confirmation of the similarity between members of 
Cluster 1 and members of Cluster 2. 

Interpretation 

Based on the results of ceramic data presented, at least three issues 
shoud be addressed. The most clearly defined conclusion from cluster 
analysis was that the distribution of teawares in site asemblages tended to 
correlate with socioeconomic status. In other respects, socioeconomic 
position appears to have been a major influence on choices made about 
earthenwares. The Seguf site has an assemblage that fit within the pattern 
represented at the two Spanish sites. This may reflect an emulation of 
Spanish middle class consumerism on the part of the Seguis. Assemblages at 
the other Minorcan sites were highly variable. As discussed below, Papy's 
assemblage may primarily reflect the influence of his occupation as a 
shopkeeper on household earthenwares. The Triay and Usina sites both 
differed markedly from the other sites, having a smaller range of 
earthenwares in general and relying heavily on British-made imports from 
the United States. 

The association of affluence and the drinking of chocolate, tea, and 
coffee is well documented. These beverages became popular in Europe 
during the course of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries 
(Braudel 1981: 250-251, 256-259). Studies have estimated that by the last 
quarter of the eighteenth century, people in the United States consumed an 
average .75 pounds of tea annually per capita (Shammas 1990: 64). The 
growing popularity of tea-drinking became associated with the gentry 
(Weatherill 1988: 172) and accompanied the spread of modern tableware and 
teaware forms used to prepare and serve the beverage. Noted Shammas in 



160 



her study, "The diffusion of tableware almost perfectly mimics the rise in tea 
consumption during the first half of the eighteenth century" (1990: 187). 
Shops selling teaware and utensils for hot drinks propagated across the 
England during the same period (Weatherill 1988: 62). 

The most popular hot beverages throughout Spanish America in the 
eighteenth century were chocolate and tea (Burkholder and Johnson 1990: 
212). By the mid-sixteenth century Spanish still-lifes depict the appartus for 
heating and drinking chocolate. In the late 1700s, the increasing popularity 
for hot beverages and for the associated earthenwares created to serve and 
drink them had an impact on the manufacture of majolicas in Puebla, 
Mexico. These pottery fabricas began duplicating British teaware forms and in 
some cases mimicking decorative motifs (Deagan 1987). 

Shipping manifests for St. Augustine in the late eighteenth century 
testify to the importation of chocolate and coffee through Havana and of tea 
through U.S. ports. Based on availability, it seems that coffee and tea were the 
predominant hot beverages consumed (Cusick 1991: 294). 

The archaeological distribution of teawares in St. Augustine and its 
correlation with socioeconomic rank thus seems to accord with general trends 
associating the middle class and gentry with ritualized consumption of hot 
beverages. 

Socioeconomic position was not such a good predictor of other aspects 
of the ceramic assemblages, however. Nor, for that matter, were other 
variables cited in this study. Using multiple regression, the author tested the 
"fit" of ethnic affiliation, socioeconomic rank, household size, and sample 
size as predictors of cluster affiliation as generated by the rim count, flatware, 
and utilitarian ware data. As can be seen in the results, none of these 
variables were statistically significant in explaining the variance of cluster 



161 



membership (see Appendix D). Indeed, the overall model, based on all these 
independent variables, was not particularly good at explaining the dependent 
variable. 

The poor explanatory power of these factors is understandable 
considering the nature of the two major clusters created by most of the 
ceramic data. Cluster 1 contained three affluent sites, of which two were 
Spanish households and one was a Minorcan household. Cluster 2 contained 
only Minorcan sites, of which one was a well-to-do household and the 
remaining two were poor households. One would expect that on the basis of 
either ethnic affiliation or socioeconomic position the Segui and Papy 
households would cluster together. In fact, with the exception of teawares, 
they were consistently segregated into different clusters. It is therefore worth 
considering these two households. 

The similarity between the ceramic assemblages at the Segui site and 
those of the two Spanish sites was not unexpected. The Seguis had 
considerable status in the colonial community and were related by their 
childrens' marriages to prominent Minorcan and Spanish families. One of 
their daughters was married to a Spanish treasury official. Bernardo Segui, 
the household head, enjoyed considerable status among both Minorcans and 
Spanish officials. He was one of the executors for the probate of Fr. Pedro 
Camps, the priest in charge of the Minorcan Parish. He also was captain of 
the Minorcan miltia. At the same time, he was well-connected to the Spanish 
colonial government. His bakery for a time held the contract to supply bread 
to the garrison at the Castillo and he was often an assessor at probate 
inventories, including those of Pedro Jose Salcedo, captain of artillery, and 
Enrique White, a governor. Shipping records indicate that Segui travelled 
numerous times to Havana on trading expeditions. Indeed, his Greek, 



162 

■ 

Italian, and Minorcan brothers-in-law were one of the few merchant groups 
that seem to have had regular access to Havana (see Cusick 1991). The house 
built by the Seguis on Aviles Street and still standing today is a mixture of 
Hispanic and British architectural elements. It follows the classic Spanish "St. 
Augustine plan" in terms of layout, with an offstreet entrance, upper and 
lower loggia areas, arched arcade, and balconies overhanging the street 
(Manucy 1978: 54, 78, 91); but it also incorporates roof gables and fireplaces 
and chimneys at either end, a common feature of eighteenth-century houses 
in the British American tradition (Glassie 1968: 64-81; Upton 1986: 315-335). 
The ceramic data also suggest intermingled cultural traditions in this 
household. Like the other assemblages in Cluster 1, those of Sanchez and 
Bousquet, the Segui assemblage could be described as "cosmopolitan". 
Membership in Cluster 1 seems to be based on several factors. The 
assemblages in this cluster tended to contain types of British tableware that 
had been on the market for some time by the 1800s, most notably creamwares 
and delfts. The newer edged wares and transfer-printed wares, more 
characteristic of what British pottery manufacturers were producing in the 
1790s, were not as well-represented in these assemblages as in those of 
Cluster 2. These assemblages also had the most Spanish- and Mexican-made 
tablewares and utilitarian wares. In some respects, the Cluster 1 households 
are comparable to Spanish households in Florida from an earlier period. 
While the balance of the ceramic assemblage had clearly shifted toward 
mostly British manufactures, these households still had a mixed assemblage 
of British, Spanish, and European goods with small amounts of porcelains. 
The percentages vary, but the pattern is reminiscent of what Deagan noted for 
criollo households in the first half of the eighteenth century. 






163 



The data presented here are consistent with interpretations that 
Spanish households bought a wide variety of earthenwares, including 
whatever Spanish-made vessels could be obtained, and that Minorcan 
families who attained a high level of prosperity did the same. The Seguis 
seem to have been adaptable to the world they lived in and Spanish tradition 
influenced their material world in major as well as in minor ways. One 
should be cautious in labelling this influence as "assimilation" since it is clear 
from documentary data that the family's connections to the Minorcan 
community were strong. Yet the existence of such an influence is apparent. 

The pattern in this assemblage can be contrasted with that of the Papys. 
The Papys were part of the original Minorcan community and fairly affluent, 
so that one would expect their assemblage to resemble that of the Segui 
household or the other affluent households. In fact, the Papy assemblage was 
quite distinct. The range of wares was very limited. It consisted of blue and 
green edged plates, plain unscalloped creamware plates, and a large quantity 
of hand-painted teacups, saucers, and bowls, with a few creamware pieces. A 
striking feature of this assemblage was how closely it agreed with consumer 
patterns noted at nineteenth-century sites in the United States. According to 
Miller, "the most common pattern was for consumers to purchase tea wares 
of a higher order or cost than tablewares" (Miller, Martin, and Dickinson 1989: 
23; see also Miller and Hurry 1983: Table 3). This was the pattern exhibited at 
the Papy household. Tablewares consisted of the most inexpensive decorated 
form on the market-edged plates--and teawares consisted of slightly more 
expensive hand-painted vessels. The Papys also seem to have made an effort 
to obtain matching sets of plates. Although there was some variation in the 
assemblage, most of the green-edged plates had the same impressed edging 
pattern and the same general color. Cups and saucers included duplicated 



patterns of polychrome floral motifs. This reflected another change in 
consumer pattern that occurred between 1780 and 1830; people ceased to buy 
plates and teas on a piecemeal basis and began to assemble them as sets 
(Miller and Hurry 1983: 90).] 

The distinctiveness of the Papy assemblage when compared with the 
other sites may be due in part to Gaspar Papy's occupation as a storekeeper. 
Shipping records show that he regularly supplied his store from Charleston 
and his trading contacts seem to have been exclusively North American. The 
Papys may have supplied their home out of their commercial stock and 
perhaps even followed Anglo-American fashion trends in choosing table and 
tea wares. Use of a single privy deposit may have also affected results. Other 
deposits from the site should be examined as they become available. 

The remaining Minorcan assemblages of Triay and Usina were fairly 
variable with respect to one another and all other sites. The Triay assemblage 
tended to be most similar to the Papy household despite differences in 
socioeconomic position. The Usina assemblage was unusual in having 
relatively large amounts of transfer-printed ware-a characteristic which made 
it distinct from any household in the sample. In any case, at least with 
regards to earthenwares, there was no clear cut purchasing pattern that 
defined the Papy, Triay, and Usina assemblages and their existence as a cluster 
may primarily be due to the fact that they did not fit criteria for membership 
in Cluster 1. 

Earthenwares were of course only one small component of household 
possessions and conclusions based on a single category of evidence most be 
tentative. In comparison to the data on costume, the data gathered on 
ceramic assemblages suggest that many variables influenced consumer choice 
and that of these, socioeconomic position was probably the most important. 



164 



165 



The range of tablewares at the Segui household was similar to that evident at 
the two Spanish sites examined. This suggests that the Seguis' choices in 
dinnerware and utilitarian wares closely followed those exemplified by well- 
to-do Spanish families in St. Augustine. This interpretation accords with 
what is known about the family from other sources. 

In contrast to the Seguis, the Papy assemblage showed little evidence of 
emulation or assimilation to a Spanish cultural norm. The ceramics were 
comparable to Anglo-American sites of the same period. Indeed, the Papys 
were most similar to another, considerably poorer Minorcan family. 

Like the Papys, the other two Minorcan households were composed 
almost entirely of British or American made ceramics, lacking the expensive 
teawares of the Papy household and including more of the inexpensive slip- 
decorated and dipped wares. To this extent they bear Governor Zespedes 
comment that without access to inexpensive goods from the United States the 
average Minorcan would scarcely be able to survive. It would be of interest, 
when data become available, to know how these site assemblages compare 
with the material culture of common Spanish soldiers in St. Augustine. 

Overall, the results of ceramic analysis give added weight to the 
conclusions of other archaeologists and historians that earthenwares were a 
form of material culture that reflected socioeconomic rank. For the 
eighteenth and nineteenth century, this appears to hold true even across 
cultural boundaries in Europe and the Americas (on Spanish America: 
Deagan 1983; Joseph and Byrne 1992; Zierden 1981; on England and America: 
Beaudry 1978; Dyson 1982; Miller and Hurry 1983; Otto 1984; Pendery 1992; 
Spencer-Wood 1987; Shammas 1990; Weatherill 1988). 






CHAPTER 8 
ZOO ARCHAEOLOGY AS AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL TOOL 



In their study of Spanish foodways during the early eighteenth century 
in St. Augustine, Reitz and Cumbaa noted: 



Ceramics, mortuary behavior, house construction patterns, and 
personal ornamentations are only a few of the data classes that can be 
studied for evidence of ethnic and social class affiliation. Food habits 
also reflect social status and ethnic traditions (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 
151). 



Analysis of food remains has in fact been one of the most frequently used and 
successful means of interpreting the interplay between cultural forces and 
human subsistence at archaeological sites (Messer 1984). In a now classic 
study, Mudar (1977) tested the correlation between ethnicity, level of income, 
and subsistence at three French and two Anglo-American household sites in 
Detroit, circa 1820-1840. She evaluated site faunal assemblages according to 
three criteria: which animals were consumed at sites, which portions of an 
animal were used, and, in the case of beef, which cuts were present. 
Consumption of beef rather than pork or mutton seems to have been a 
consequence of income, with the wealthiest families prefering beef. 
However, Mudar found that mutton, goose, and pigeon were more common 
at French sites. People at the French sites also consumed relatively more fish. 
While not conclusive, her study was among the first to show associations 



166 



between socioeconomic position, ethnic background, and diet at historic 
period sites. 

Mudar's pioneering work was quickly followed by similar studies. In 
general, these have all sought to elucidate a pattern between people's 
economic position and what they could afford to eat. "Economic position" 
has been defined in a variety of ways. Some studies have compared sites by 
social class, others by the more general term of "socioeconomic status"- 
encompassing both wealth and social rank --and yet others by household 
income. Archaeologists frequently— and incorrectly-treat these terms as 
interchangeable, provoking numerous cautionary articles from researchers 
(see Henry 1991; Huelsbeck 1991; Lyman 1987; Reitz and Zierden 1991: 405-406; 
Spencer-Wood 1987). Most historic period faunal studies have explored a 
simple relationship—level of wealth or status versus what a family or 
household ate. The method employed in such studies can best be described 
with an example. 

In a study of fur trading posts in Wisconsin, Ewen (1986) drew on 
faunal data from two companies to determine whose traders had the better 
standard of living. He anticipated that the Nor'Westers-employees of the 
region's largest fur trade company-fared better than their counterparts with 
the XY Company. Between 1803 and 1804, both companies built trading posts 
on the Yellow River, located a mere 95 feet apart for protection from the 
Sioux (Ewen 1986: 16). The North West Company post consisted of three 
structures within a stockade, while the XY Company erected a cabin nearby 
(Ewen 1986: 17). Although traders did some hunting, they usually obtained 
provisions through trade with the Ojibwa Indians (Ewen 1986: 17). Meat-in 
the form of wild game-was the mainstain of the traders' diet (Ewen 1986: 19). 
As the employees of the less powerful company, the XY traders also had fewer 



167 






168 









prestigious trade items and less bargaining power with the Ojibwa. This was 
reflected in their diet. Ewen's analysis included not only an assessment of the 
types of animals present, but also how much each species contributed to diet, 
and, in the case of deer, which site contained the more desirable cuts. He 
concluded that the Nor'Westers received comparatively more venison, as 
well as the better cuts (Ewen 1986: 21). They also ate more beaver, which was 
considered a delicacy. These results confirmed his original hypothesis. 

The study of the Yellow River sites illustrates the efficacy of faunal 
analysis as well as some of the factors researchers consider when comparing 
faunal assemblages. Yet it is only one among many such studies. Extensive 
work has been done with evidence on British and Spanish subsistence along 
the Atlantic seaboard. Colonists-whether British or Spanish— confronted a 
new environment in North America which required many changes in their 
traditional habits of livestock raising, agriculture, and foodways (Bowen 1978, 
1990; Honerkamp and Reitz 1983; Reitz 1979; Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry and 
Reitz 1990). Whereas there is some evidence at aboriginal sites that the 
foodbase remained unchanged from the late prehistoric through the early 
Spanish mission period (Reitz 1990), Spanish adaptations to Florida included 
considerable alterations to traditional foodways. In Spanish St. Augustine, 
deposits dating to the town's first founding suggest settlers and soldiers ate 
more or less the same foods as the indigenous peoples (Reitz 1992a, 1992b; 
Scarry and Reitz 1990). In the sixteenth and seventeenth century, this diet 
gradually evolved to include a complex of European and native foods that 
was neither indigenous nor Iberian in character (Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry 
and Reitz 1990). For most of this period, what a family put on its table came 
from grains raised by the native population, fruits and vegetables grown 
locally, and animals raised, hunted, or caught by the household. By the early 






169 









eighteenth century, the tables of wealthy Spaniards in St. Augustine featured 
meats from all forms of livestock-beef, pork, and chicken— augmented by 
wild game (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). This seems to have been true for 
eighteenth century British colonists as well (Honerkamp 1982). What went 
on the table was not simply a matter of availability but of a person's position 
in the community. 

Plantation archaeology has provided additional data for the link 
between socioeconomic position and access to food. Faunal studies based on 
plantation assemblages have changed somewhat in emphasis. Early work by 
Otto-on which all subsequent work has been modeled-compared different 
social statuses-planters, overseers, and slaves~at Cannon's Point Plantation 
(Otto 1977, 1980, 1984). Cut and sawn pieces of bone from steaks and roasts 
clustered in contexts from the planter's great house. In the slave quarters, 
Otto found evidence for chopped, low grade cuts of beef suitable for stewing. 
In both cases, domestic meat was supplemented with meat from wild fauna, 
especially fish. The sites of other slave quarters and a free black household 
along the Atlantic seaboard produced similar evidence for heavy use of soups 
and stews (Baker 1980; Deetz 1977; Fairbanks 1984; Orser 1984; Otto 1984). 
Other researchers have downplayed the importance of status as a determinant 
of diet and have instead emphasized economic conditions. The diet of poor 
planters often resembled the fare of overseers on large prosperous plantations 
rather than the more sumptuous meals of wealthy planters (Moore 1985; 
Orser 1984, 1987). 

More recently, a notable increase in analyses into diet and sociocultural 
behavior has stemmed from studies of consumer behavior in the nineteenth 
and twentieth centuries (see especially Friedlander 1991; Henry 1991; Holt 
1991; Huelsbeck 1991; LeeDecker 1991; Spencer-Wood 1987). Beginning with 



170 



Rathje's Projet du Garbage in the 1970s~which quantified the refuse discarded 
from modern twentieth-century households (Rathje 1979, 1982)~each passing 
year produces more and more studies on consumerism. In part, this 
efflorescence is linked to the growth of cultural resource management. In 
efforts to protect sites from destruction, archaeologists regularly excavate areas 
that were urbanized in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and are 
destined for further development (Dickens 1982). Because of the abundance 
of census and tax records for these areas, excavated remains can often be 
identified with a specific neighborhood, barrio, or family. This has resulted in 
a plethora of faunal analyses for households of the mid-nineteenth to early- 
twentieth centuries (see Branstner and Martin 1987; Henry 1987; 
Langenwalter 1980; LeeDecker et. al; Singer 1987; Shultz and Gust 1983; Reitz 
and Zierden 1991; Staski 1987; Stewart-Abernathy and Ruff 1989). In general, 
these studies have confirmed a positive correlation between rising income, 
use of high-grade cuts of meat, and more diverse diet. However, they have 
also made clear that many of the factors mentioned in the previous chapter 
also affect household diet, including occupation (Bragdon 1988a), family life 
cycle (LeeDecker et. al. 1987; LeeDecker 1991), market distribution (Riordan 
and Adams 1984; Schuyler 1980), and site function (Reitz and Zierden 1991). 

The case is less clear-cut for associations between ethnicity and diet. 
Although food preferences would seem to be an integral component of ethnic 
identity (Ijzereef 1988), archaeological studies of this relationship have been 
equivocal. Scholars of plantation archaeology have suggested that the 
common occurrence of cuts of meat for soups and stews at slave quarters and 
at the site of a free black house reflect ethnic food preferences (Huelsbeck 1991; 
Orser 1984); but there have been challenges to this interpretation (Reitz 1987). 
Moreover, evidence for subsistence at the sites of Frederica, Georgia, and St. 



171 



Augustine have effectively demonstrated that local resources were a more 
important determinant of diet than cultural traditions. The animal species in 
British assemblages from St. Augustine differed markedly from species used 
at British sites in Frederica; however, within St. Augustine, there was little 
difference between British and Spanish subsistence (Reitz 1979; see also 
Honerkamp and Reitz 1983). 

While the relationship between ethnicity and foodways is ambiguous, 
numerous studies in historical archaeology have testified to the 
interrelationship of foodways and culture. Ethnoarchaeological evidence has 
shown that butchering practices, cuts of meat, and consumer preferences 
differ cross-culturally (Clonts 1983; Gust 1983). Food habits can be influenced 
by religion, as suggested by Ijzereef's (1988) evidence in a study of Jewish 
barrios in Amsterdam. At Fort Michilimackinac, fish was more prevalent in 
French deposits than in British ones, possibly reflecting the Catholic practice 
of eating fish on Fridays (Cleland 1970). Sometimes following a traditional 
diet is one facet of maintaining closed ethnic enclaves within hostile 
communities. Chinese communities in nineteenth-century Ventura, 
California are a case in point (Greenwood 1980). Due to prejudice from white 
society, Chinese grouped together in endogamous urban enclaves 
(Greenwood 1980). Within the enclaves there was little evidence for 
acculturation. Pork, butchered according to Chinese practices, was a major 
component of diet. Material culture-including such food-related containers 
as soy bottles-was also predominantly Chinese (Langenwalter 1980). 

Even so, the relationship between ethnic identity and foodways is fluid. 
Many factors can obscure or alter the relationship and the two are not 
inextricably linked. The growth of rapid domestic and international 
commerce has, in different circumstances, abetted or hampered the 



172 

maintenance of ethnicity. In the case of the Chinese, the tremendous 
commodity flow of goods from the Orient through California ports helped to 
sustain Chinese culture in a new environment (Garaventa and Pastron 1983; 
Greenwood 1991: 26). Assimilation could be more prevalent among families 
living in isolation from their own cultural group. The diet of the Blocks, a 
Jewish family living in Wilmington, Arkansas in the 1840s, did not differ 
radically from contemporary non-Jewish families. This is not to say they had 
no conscious identity as Jewish Americans-only that this identity did not 
seem to structure their diet(Stewart-Abernathy and Ruff 1989). On the other 
hand, urban growth and the rise of commercial markets have at times 
increased tensions between ethnic groups while at the same time melding 
them in a single market system. In his study of early colonial El Paso, Staski 
noted that Mexican and Anglo-American diets were culturally distinct (1987). 
With the coming of the railroad, whites began to outnumber Mexicans and 
received better-paying jobs. Hostility between the groups increased. This was 
reflected archaeologically in a sharpening of differences in material culture. 
Cultural differences in diet, on the other hand, began to disappear. Staski 
attributed this in part to the growth of Texas' cattle industry. Beef was 
abundant, cheap, and increasingly part of all residents' diet. 

In general, studies of ethnicity and food preferences in the nineteenth 
and twentieth centuries have been complicated by the growth of cities and the 
increasingly commercialized food industry. Ethnicity and traditional food 
preferences continue to play a role in peoples' consumer choices, but the 
latitude for choice has decreased as food production and marketing become 
increasingly standardized (Henry 1987; Rothschild 1989). More and more, 
faunal studies in the Industrial Age have to acknowledge the influence of 



173 









commodity flow, market penetration, and other aspects of distribution on 
food consumption (Henry 1991; Riordan and Adams 1984; Schuyler 1980). 

General Zooarchaeological Methods: Overview 
This abbreviated survey of zooarchaeological literature in historical 
archaeology should make it apparent that debate over how foodways relate to 
other measurable aspects of culture is still volatile. Faunal analyses have 
engendered ongoing critiques and reassessments of the field of 
zooarchaeology and its goals, and through periodic reassessment 
zooarchaeology has grown more sophisticated. Yet this very sophistication 
makes the field less accessible to non-specialists. Without some background 
in zooarchaeological methods, it is virtually impossible to decipher research 
reports. Acronyms, symbols, and equations abound in even the simplest 
presentations of faunal data. There is also an entire subdiscipline-generally 
referred to as taphonomy-which sets down the potential factors that can bias 
faunal samples. With this in mind, discussion of foodways in St. Augustine 
is prefaced with a brief introduction to the principle methods for recovering, 
quantifying, and interpreting animal bone from archaeological deposits. 

To draw accurate inferences about subsistence or diet from 
archaeological assemblages of bone, one has to be reasonably sure that the 
recovered assemblage truly reflects what people consumed at the site. Many 
factors can intervene to distort this picture. These factors are generally 
referred to as taphonomic processes, and can be cultural or non-cultural 
(Gilbert and Singer 1982). The major non-cultural process is preservation. 
Animal skeletons can be dismembered by scavangers, displaced by 
scavanging, trampling or burrowing, or adversely affected by soil chemistry 
and climatic conditions (Hesse and Wapnish 1985; Kent 1984; Lyman 1987). 



174 



Over time, all of these factors can lead to the disappearance of individuals or 
entire species or genera from an assemblage--and this in turn equates with a 
loss of data about the subsistence base. Archaeologists have little control over 
factors affecting preservation of bone. The risk of bias must be assessed by 
taking soils and the condition of deposits into account. On the other hand, 
recovery techniques-another source of bias-can be controlled. Repeated 
studies have shown that the mesh size of screened used to collect faunal 
samples will affect what is recovered. Small fish bones fall through screens 
with 1/4 inch mesh. The loss of elements from fish will bias a sample by 
over-representing the importance of large mammals or other large-boned 
species in the assemblage (Hesse and Wapnish 1985). This problem can be 
rectified through use of finer, 1/8 inch mesh screens. In tests of prehistoric 
and historic sites in Florida where fish composed the most common species 
in assemblages, 1 /8 inchmesh was found to be critical; smaller mesh sizes 
tended to catch bones from species already represented in the 1/8 inch screen 
and hence were not essential. 

Sample size also affects faunal data. If a sample contains too few bones, 
it may not accurately represent all of the animals used at a site. 
Unfortunately, to date, there is little concurrence on what constitutes an 
adequate sample of faunal material. Opinions on how large a sample should 
be range from 1000 specimens (Klein and Cruz-Uribe 1984) to 1400 specimens 
or 200 animals (Wing and Brown 1979) to 10,000-16,000 animals (Gilbert and 
Singer 1982)! This reflects the different number of species that can occur in 
different environments. For St. Augustine, 200 animals does seem to 
represent a point after which little new information is added to the sample; 
however, it is important to note that relatively few faunal studies in 



175 



historical archaeology reach or exceed this sample size, and more than half 
probably have samples ranging between 50 to 150 animals. 

Even well-preserved and properly collected zooarchaeological samples 
usually represent only a portion of all the animal bone deposited at a site 
(Gilbert and Singer 1982). For this reason, faunal assemblages are generally 
studied in terms of the relative abundance of species— that is, the percentage 
each species represents out of the total. Comparison of faunal assemblages of 
different sizes is easier when species represented are expressed in relative 
abundance. One must be cautious about the validity of such comparisons 
when sample size is small or when the taphonomy or recovery of the 
samples differ. 

To calculate relative abundance, one has to select a method of counting 
the animals present. In general, zooarchaeologists have come to rely on four 
forms of quantification for assessing faunal assemblages: number of 
identified specimens (NISP); Mininum Number of Individuals (MNI); weight 
of faunal remains; and estimates of the meat, live weight, or biomass 
represented by animals in the assemblage. It is important to remember that 
all these methods serve as a basis for characterizing and comparing different 
assemblages in statistical terms and do not represent absolute numbers of 
animals or biomass at the site. The underlying assumption is that with 
adequate samples NISP, MNI, and the other methods will accurately reflect 
the distribution of faunal resources at a site relative to one another. In 
addition, these methods provide different characterizations of the same 
assemblage. For assemblages from colonial St. Augustine it is important to 
compare the results of MNI and biomass when assessing subsistence. 

The number of identified specimens (NISP) is simply the total of all the 
bones in an assemblage that can be identified to a species, genus, or family 






176 



(Grayson 1984; Wing and Brown 1979). Since many bones probably come 
from the same animal, this total is almost always an over-estimate of the 
number of animals in an assemblage (Klein and Cruz Uribe 1984). Moreover, 
some animals have more bones in the skeleton than others. Goats, pigs, deer, 
and cows have more or less the same number of bones in the skeleton, but 
fewer bones than many types of fish. Hence, many zooarchaeologists prefer to 
standardize their data by using MNI, the estimated Minimum Number of 
Individuals, to represent the animals present in an assemblage. MNI 
"indicates the smallest number of animals in a single species that can account 
for all the bones of that species present" (Crabtree 1985). The most common 
ways to calculate MNI are 1) to count the most numerous skeletal element of 
each species (e.g., all the left femurs of a cow) (Wing and Brown 1979); 2) to 
count right and left pairs of elements, plus any unmatched elements (Jolly 
1983); or, 3) to count matched pairs and unmatched elements sorted by size, 
age, and sex of the animal (Wing and Brown 1979). 

In calculating MNI, one also must be specific about how deposits were 
aggregated (see discussion in Grayson 1984; Crabtree 1985). As there is no one 
accepted method of calculating MNI, it is necessary to specify the method used 
(Jolly 1983). 

Estimates of meat or biomass can also provide useful information. A 
section of cow or pig may represent a large portion of edible meat--and hence 
as great a contribution to diet-as several whole fish. The fact that an 
assemblage contains evidence for only two cows and 40 fish may under- 
represent the importance of beef in the sample. For this reason, along with 
MNI, zooarchaeologists sometimes calculate how much meat is represented 
by each species in the assemblage. This can be done by calculating live weight 
(the total weight or biomass of an animal), edible meat weight (the actual 






177 



amount of usable meat that bone elements represent), or biomass (see below). 
Live weight is seldom used as it is rare that an entire animal was consumed at 
a site. 

Both MNI and estimates of meat or biomass are controversial. The 
principal problem with MNI is that it is affected by the manner in which it is 
made. In addition it tends to over-represent rare species (1 bone = 1 animal) 
and must be recalculated every time additional material is added to an 
existing assemblage (Klein and Cruz Uribe 1984). Grayson (1984, 1989) is the 
severest critic of MNI. He has shown repeatedly that both NISP and 
Mininum Number of Individuals at a site correlate directly with sample size; 
the more bones in an assemblage, the larger the NISP and MNI. This presents 
problems when comparing large and small assemblages, because the 
differences between them may be a reflection of sample sizes rather than of 
human food habits (Grayson 1984). The best solution to this problem is to 
make sure that samples are representative. 

Many criticisms of MNI seem to stem from Grayson's work based 
mostly in assemblages composed of mammal; since most mammals have 
similar numbers of skeletal elements, Grayson has suggested that the straight- 
forward use of NISP, rather than MNI, is the best index of relative 
abundances. However, for assemblages composed of a broad range of 
different species, MNI is an important means of controlling for differing 
number of skeletal elements, which vary by species. 

Problems introduced by sample size can be rectified either by using 
adequate samples from all sites or through statistically testing how sample 
size affects MNI. 

The most important decision for historical archaeologists is whether to 
use MNI or some other method of quantification, such as the Mininum 






178 



Number of Cuts. The latter may be more appropriate for time periods in 
which people purchased meat through the marketplace. 

Methods for estimating meat or biomass have undergone similar 
critiques. It is important to recognize that these estimates reflect relative 
abundances; they are not estimates of how much meat was actually consumed 
(Crabtree 1985). For Spanish colonial sites, the preferred method is 
calculation of biomass (Reitz 1979; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 
1985). Reitz has been the principal scholar to develop the method as used in 
Florida and the Caribbean and defines biomass as a propotional amount of 
meat and other tissue (including skin) calculated from the skeletal mass 
recovered using allometric scaling (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 168; Reitz and 
Scarry 1985: 18-20). 

Virtually all studies for Spanish colonial sites from these areas have 
followed Reitz's methods. Recently, an entirely new system has been 
developed for studying subsistence at urban American sites. Several 
zooarchaeologists have derived price indices for particular cuts of beef, pork, 
and fish; they noted that more expensive cuts correlate with status. Lyman 
(1987) and Huelsbeck (1991) have been critical of the methodologies used in 
these studies. They believe sites ought to be compared by strictly economic 
criteria-such as disposable income-as measured by cost-efficiency (what cuts 
of meat a household buys versus the amount of money it spends). With this 
in mind, Lyman has advocated that zooarchaeologists try to estimate what 
butchering cuts are present in an assemblage. Huelsbeck has further refined 
this, arguing that the unit of acquisition-what the customer buys at the 
market-should be used as the basis for calculations. 

Lyman and Huelsbeck's methods seem justified for nineteenth and 
twentieth century sites-where poor and working class families spent a large 






179 



portion of their budget on provisions (LeeDecker 1991). For earlier time 
periods, reference to disposable income, cost efficiency, or cuts of meat has less 
utility. Not only do the variables become difficult to calculate, but it is 
questionable whether people obtained their food primarily through markets. 
Even in the early nineteenth century, most residences in Charleston procured 
food from several channels~on-site butchering, purchase, and use of salted 
meats (Reitz 1990). In Spanish Florida in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, settlers fed themselves via a diversified system of livestock raising, 
gardening, hunting, fishing, and Indian tribute (see in particular Reitz 1990, 
1992b, on Spanish subsistence at mission sites; Reitz and Scarry 1985 and 
Scarry and Reitz 1990, on subsistence in sixteenth century Spanish Florida). 
This system lasted well into the eighteenth century (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). 
For these reasons, biomass continues to be the basis for comparing Spanish 
colonial sites. 

One other statistical measure is important in faunal analyses. This is 
the measure known as diversity. It is possibly the most controversial of all— 
although this does not prevent its wide usagae. Diversity can be defined as 
being "composed of two distinct components: 1) the total number of species, 
and 2) evenness (how the abundance data are distributed among the species" 
(see Ludwig and Reynolds 1988: 85-98, for discussion; see also Bobrowsky 1982; 
Bobrowsky and Ball 1989). The number of species in an assemblage is termed 
its "richness". How many individuals occur within each species-or the 
distribution of animals by species-is called the assemblage's "evenness". 
When one compares evenness to some theoretical standard, the resulting 
measure is called "equitability" (Ludwig and Reynolds 1988). 

An assemblage with many species is considered more diverse than one 
with only a few. Also, an assemblage which has many species, all equally 



180 



represented, is more diverse than an assemblage with many species but one 
or two dominant species (Ludwig and Reynolds 1988). Richness and 
evenness can be calculated independently or they can be calculated 
simultaneously, in which case they are called measures of diversity (Leonard 
and Jones 1989; Ludwig and Reynolds 1988) or measures of heterogeneity 
(Bobrowsky and Ball 1989; Kintigh 1989). 

The primary problem with diversity-as a statistic-is that it is affected 
by sample size and that the samples are not truly random. (Grayson 1984, 
1989; Kintigh 1989). The most widely used formula for diversity in 
zooarchaeology is 

H* = - 1 pj logg pf 

where "pf is the number of the i th species divided by the sample size" 
(Shannon-Weaver 1949; Reitz and Scarry 1985: 20; see also Ludwig and 
Reynolds 1988: 92). This formula has inherent biases (see Rindos 1989), but 
the bias will be small provided the faunal sample is large (Ludwig and 
Reynolds 1988). The other common formula-used for equitability-is 

E = H7H max 

where "H' is the diversity index and H max is the natural log of the number 
of observed species" (Reitz and Scarry 1985: 20; see also Rindos 1989). 

The number of different methods of quantification have been devised 
so that zooarchaeologists can investigate the results of human behavior. At 
the simplest level, the way people throw out their trash can distort 
interpretations about their diet. On plantations, owners, overseers, and 



181 



slaves often dumped their trash in common areas; this blurs differences in 
diet at the site (Reitz 1987). Family size or household size affects diet. Larger 
groups consume more--and often more diverse-types of food. Other studies 
have focused on family life cycle. In a study of nineteenth century 
Wilmington, Delaware, LeeDecker and colleagues examined deposits from 
several generations of the Murdick family. Diet appeared to be consistent 
over time, although other aspects of provisioning the household did change 
(LeeDecker et al. 1987). Another significant influence on both foodways is 
occupation and site function. The circa 1700 tavern of Samuel Smith in 
Massachusetts contained large quantities of broken drinking vessels and wine 
bottles (Bragdon 1988)-reflecting the principal past-time of its clients. In 
Charleston, sites from the market, surrounding hotels and taverns, and local 
residences all have different types of faunal deposits (Reitz and Zierden 1991). 

The current study was designed to be compatible and comparable with 
Reitz and Cumbaa's analyses of First Spanish Period households. This was 
done to facilitate long-term, diachronic study of colonial adaptation in 
Spanish Florida. Although not the focus of this study, building a cumulative 
database on foodways is important, and the methods of analysis and 
quantification used here are consistent with previous research projects. 

Faunal samples were taken from closed-context features from five 
contemporaneous sites in late eighteenth-century St. Augustine (see 
Appendix F for a list of proveniences and Table 8-1 for a list of the 
households, their ethnic affiliation, and occupations). All bone was washed, 
identified, and curated at the Florida Museum of Natural History, using 
standard zooarchaeological methods and the museum's comparative skeletal 
collection. Identification of bone was done in the spring and fall of 1991 by Dr. 
Patricia Foster-Turley, a trained zoologist and zooarchaeologist, using the 






182 



museum's comparative collections. Calculation of MNI was done in 
conjunction with the author. All subsequent calculations for biomass and 
diversity are the author's and are explained below. 



Table 8-1. Household Heads, Occupations, and Ethnic Affiliation of Late 

Colonial Sites in St. Augustine 



Household 

Household Head Occupation Affiliation Rank Size 

Juan Jose Bousquet Surgeon Spaniard 4 6 

Juan Sanchez Shipyard Foreman Spaniard 3 19 

Bernard Segui Baker/Merchant Minorcan 1 12 

GasparPapy Shopkeeper Minorcan 2 7 

Juan Triay Farmer/Fisher Minorcan 5 5 



The species lists recovered from deposits at each of these households 
can be found in Appendix E. Recovery techinques varied by site. For the 
Bousquet and Sanchez sites, only material from 1/4 inch screen material was 
available for analysis. All other sites consisted of 1 /4 inch and fine screen 
samples. This created a risk that the Bousquet and Sanchez sites would be 
biased and not comparable with other assemblages. However, a test of 
materials from the Segui and Papy samples suggests that this was not the case. 
In these assemblages, fine screening-assessed separately from the large screen 
material-did not alter the nature of the assemblage. No new species were 
added to the assemblage, and MNI was affected in only one case, by the 
addition of one individual in a species already represented. At the Triay site, 
on the other hand, fine screening was essential to get a representative sample, 
due to the large quantity of fish. Species lists represent material recovered by 






183 



1 /4 inch mesh for Bousquet and Sanchez and by large and fine screen for the 
other sites. 

At each site, MNI was calculated from paired elements, accounting for 
differences in age, sex, and size when appropriate. The faunal sample for 
Bousquet, Segui, and Papy came from discrete features at their respective sites. 
These consisted of two trash-filled wells (Bousquet), the fill of a privy (Papy), 
and a large trash pit (Segui). In assessing MNI, deposits were aggregated as 
follows: the features for Segui and Papy were treated as contemporary, single 
deposits; for Bousquet, MNI was calculated for each well and then summed. 
There was no evidence that the wells were interrelated. The samples for 
Triay came from a well (British Period) and a large trash dump (Second 
Spanish Period), both treated separately and considered to be homogeneous. 
For Sanchez, numerous trash pits were used. These pits were aggregated 
according to associations evident from stratigraphy and artifacts; MNI was 
assessed separately for each group, and then summed for a site total. 

The biomass calculations, also given in the species lists, were derived 
using an allometric formula based on bone weight. This formula gives "a 
proportional quantity of biomass for the skeletal mass recovered and has no 
direct relationship either to original total body weight of the animal or to the 
portion of that total body weight consumed" (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 168). 
"Skeletal mass allometry assumes that only the meat adhering to the bone 
was consumed, and therefore represents a proportional (mininum) estimate 
of biomass" (Quitmyer 1988: 4). This method of assessing biomass has been 
used extensively at sites in Florida and the Caribbean. The regression 
formula given below is used to describe correlations between hard and soft 
tissue weight and is used to estimate biomass as 









184 









Y=«X& 



where Y is the biomass and X is the bone weight. Y and X are both given in 
kilograms. The constants for the variables a and b have been derived from 
living animal populations for various species and are given in Table 8-2. 



Background to Colonial Subsistence in St. Augustine 
Based on Historic Documents 

We have seen, in earlier chapters, that material culture was not 
randomly distributed in St. Augustine's colonial population. Already we 
have evidence that both ethnicity and social rank affected the material world. 
In moving on to a treatment of food ways, we find additional support for the 
role these social phenomena played in colonial life. 

As with all aspects of colonial life in St. Augustine, full understanding 
of the late eighteenth century must be based to some extent in knowledge of 
what went before. Although the focus of this study is on Spanish and 
Minorcan residents of St. Augustine in the late eighteenth century, analysis of 
faunal material provides an important opportunity for furthering our 
knowledge of human adaptation in Florida over the entire colonial period. 
War and politics may have rewritten colonial boundaries and allegiences, but 
they did not alter the ecological zones which shaped foodways in Spanish 
Florida over time. Some consideration, too, needs to be given to the dietary 
traditions of colonists in the late colonial period. Minorcan and Spanish diet 
differed; so did the earing habits of different social strata. 



185 



Table 8-2. Allometric Values Used for Biomass in This Study 

With Size of Sample Used to Generate Constants for 

Predicting Biomass (kg) from Bone Weight (kg) 



Faunal Category 


n 


log a 


b 


r2 


Mammal 


97 


1.12 


0.90 


0.94 


Bird 


307 


1.04 


0.91 


0.97 


Turtle 


26 


0.51 


0.67 


0.55 


Snake 


26 


1.17 


1.01 


0.97 


Chondrichthyes 


17 


1.68 


0.86 


0.85 


Osteichthyes 


393 


0.90 


0.81 


0.80 


Non-Perciformes 


119 


0.85 


0.79 


0.88 


Siluriformes 


36 


1.15 


0.95 


0.87 


Perciformes 


274 


0.93 


0.83 


0.76 


Sparidae 


22 


0.96 


0.92 


0.98 


Sciaenidae 


99 


0.81 


0.74 


0.73 


Pleuronectiformes 


21 


1.09 


0.89 


0.95 



Source: Reitz and Scarry 1985: 67. 

The First Spanish Period 

Colonists in Spanish Florida in late colonial times inherited the 
environment of earlier colonial times. Throughout its history St. Augustine 
gave settlers access to a diverse eco-system in the surrounding beaches, 
estuaries, marshes, and hammocks. Today, the coquina walls of the Castillo 
de San Marcos project from amidst restored Victorian houses and gift shops, 
set off by the fort's encircling perimeter of national park. Across the 
Matanzas, the shoreline of Anastasia island is crowded with the homes of 
residents. But as recently as the early twentieth century the bastions of the 
Castillo rose uncluttered from open plain, and Anastasia's lowlying contours 
were heavily enveloped in forest (see plates in Tanner 1989: 150-151). To 
modern Floridians, this vista is familiar only through visits to parts of 



186 



protected, undeveloped sea islands such as Cumberland. Even with 
development, though, one can still stand at the seawall in St. Augustine and 
see the miles of surrounding salt marsh and estuarine waters which have 
been a dominant ecological feature of the town throughout its history. So 
pervasive are these eco-zones that they appeared in the earliest European 
portrayals of northeastern Florida. De Bry's sixteenth-century engravings 
depict a recognizable-if schematic-coastline of lowlying land, braided by a 
network of rivers into islands and marshes. These engravings evince an 
appreciation for local fauna. In one, deer prance in open clearings, with 
native birds, including a turkey, gathered in the foreground. In another, an 
alligator suns itself upon a river bank. 

The first Spanish colonists tried to convert this environment in the 
image of Spain; ultimately, it was the environment that converted them. 
Although the founders of the colony in the sixteenth century expected it to 
become economically self-sufficient, this never occurred. From the 1590s 
onward, the Spanish Crown subsidized St. Augustine through situado s- 
allotments of supplies and money transfered from New Spain to maintain 
the garrison and pay colonial officials. Arrival of these supplies was subject to 
many kinds of delays (Bushnell 1981); by the late seventeenth and early 
eighteenth centuries the intervals between shipments could last for years, so 
that salaries were always in arrears and supplies short. As Reitz has noted in 
studies of subsistence in Florida, the situado did not represent a dependable 
food base (Reitz and Scarry 1985; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:153). Instead, for 
daily subsistence Spaniards in St. Augustine relied on what could be obtained 
from trade with Cuba and the British colonies and from local resources. 
The role that trade played in the colonial subsistence is difficult to 
assess. Little is known about Florida's commerce in exports and imports 



187 



during the First Spanish Period. Cattle ranching was sufficiently successful 
that St. Augustine sent 800 head of cattle to Louisiana in 1727 (Gray 1933). 
Exports of beef, pork, logwood, and products from the Caribbean may have 
been the basis for the growing illicit trade with British merchants (see 
Harman 1969, appendices). Vessels arriving at St. Augustine from Charleston 
brought supplies of flour, wine, cheese, and dry goods (Harman 1969; 15-16, 
appendices). In the 1730s, vessels outbound from St. Augustine carried cargos 
of logwood, planking, or oranges. However, an increasing number bound for 
Charleston or New York carried ballast only, suggesting they were engaged on 
voyages to provision the colony and intended to pay on credit or with species 
(Harman 1969: 84-90). This was a practice which would become common in 
the late colonial period. 

Besides commerce with the British colonies, local merchants also 
commissioned shipments of goods from Havana. Between 1731 and 1741, St. 
Augustine supported 12 stores as well as the royal store provisioning the 
garrison (Grihan 1756, cited in Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). 

The Second Spanish Period 

When the Spanish returned to Florida in 1784, the apparatus for 
provisioning the town was markedly different from that in the First Spanish 
Period. Previous chapters have already discussed the economic revolution 
which drew Cuba and other Spanish American possessions into regional 
trade with the United States. This was to have profound implications for life 
in Florida. The second Spanish occupation, like the first, was financed in part 
by situados. In contrast to the earlier period, this subsidy appears to have 
arrived regularly at St. Augustine and functioned as collateral against loans of 



188 



credit with which Spanish Florida purchased supplies from the United States 
(Bermudez 1989; Tornero Tinajero 1979). 

An analysis of shipping records for the period 1787-1803, discussed in 
the previous chapter, demonstrated that shipping traffic between St. 
Augustine and other ports was heavy compared to what had characterized the 
First Spanish Period. Even during two years of local insurrections in 1794- 
1795, the town received an average of two ships per month. In other years, 
ships arrived at the rate of one or more per week. This represented private 
shipping-usually in vessels owned by residents of St. Augustine. 
Additionally, one must count the arrival of situado vessels, of ships bearing 
immigrants, and of vessels engaged by Panton, Leslie and Company in the 
Indian trade. While this commerce was small compared to major ports of the 
day, it nonetheless kept St. Augustine regularly supplied. 

The most important commodity imported into Spanish Florida, in 
terms of overall trading volume, was foodstuffs, followed by liquor, wines, 
and beer (Cusick 1991). Shipments of food probably represented a mixture of 
public and private expenditures. Especially during the 1780s, when the colony 
was re-establishing itself, local merchants received commissions from the 
governor to purchase necessities at U.S. ports. These supplies were placed 
under consignment to the Hacienda Real for support of the garrison and 
town population. However, private merchants--in addition to operating as 
agents for the government-used such voyages to stock their own warehouses 
and to fill order for goods from planters, shopkeepers, and owners of taverns 
(Patricia Griffin personal communication; EFP, "Shipping Arrivals," Bundles 
214-258). 

The United States was a crucial source of basic foodstuffs. During the 
1780s, New York and Philadelphia were important for barreled fish, flour and 






189 



other grains, lard, butter, and cheese (see Table 4-7). However, over time, 
merchants in St. Augustine most consistently dealt with Charleston, and to a 
lesser extent Savannah, for these supplies. Like Havana and other Spanish- 
American towns in the Caribbean, St. Augustine was an importer of U.S. 
flour-usually wheat flour. This replaced the First Spanish Period 
dependence on locally produced and ground maize. Other regularly derived 
staples included bacalao (salt cod), salted pork and beef, tocino (bacon), beans, 
peas, onions, rice, potatoes, and cheese. The United States was also principal 
supplier of the lard and butter so essential to eighteenth-century cooking. 

Commerce with Havana, in addition to situado supplies, provided a 
complex of Caribbean products shipped to Spanish Florida via private 
commerce. Sugar composed almost 80 percent of cargos coming from 
Havana, but shipments of olives, olive oil, spices, coffee, and chocolate were 
common. 

The most popular beverages-based on availability-were rums, 
brandies, and wine. From Havana came a regular supply of Spanish and 
Canary Island brandies and wines from Malaga. Ships returning from 
Charleston frequently brought bordeaux's and other wines from France. Beer 
and gin were also imported, but judging from the quantities shippped were 
never widely popular among townsfolk. The prevalence of coffee and 
chocolate suggest that the Spanish American predilection for these drinks 
held as well in St. Augustine. By the 1790s, tea-imported from the United 
States-probably joined coffee as a typical refreshment. 

External trade may have played a more central part in provisioning late 
colonial St. Augustine than had been true for the First Spanish Period. A 
decline in the importance of hunting would not be unexpected; however, the 
growth of commerce should not obscure the continued importance of local 



190 



wild and domestic resources. These still constituted the dietary staple. Even 
before the Spanish return, the few Spanish residents living under British rule 
maintained large cattle herds near St. Augustine; the desire not to lose their 
herds and lands was, in fact, one reason they remained in Florida during the 
British Period. Pigs~both wild and feral—still abounded, and the Spaniards 
continued to introduce livestock. An inventory from the probate of Colonel 
Jose Maria de la Torre, commander of the 3rd Battalion Cuban Infantry, noted 
the following: "2 male and 4 female turkeys; 12 hens; 4 chickens; 2 guinea 
fowl; 12 English ducks; 2 Muscovy ducks; 1 cock; 1 ram; 1 small pig" (EFP 
"Testamentary Proceedings," Bundle 350, Reel 147). 

For the gentry, not only food but food tastes were imported. Commerce 
brought in its wake attendant concerns about the fashions currently in vogue 
in Europe. The wife of governor Zespedes, arriving in St. Augustine during 
the British evacuation, noted with admiration that women in the leading 
British families dressed according to the latest Parisian protocol (Tanner 1989). 
What applied to clothes also applied to cuisine. Early in the Second Spanish 
Period, a visiting general of the American Revolution, Nathaniel Greene, 
commented that French cooking was the rule at formal occasions (Tanner 
1989). 

That French culture dictated mores among the colonial elite should 
not be surprising in a time period that straddled the French Revolution and 
the Napoleanoic era. But French food was a specialty, not a daily fare. The 
Condesa de Merlin, an aristocratic Spaniard married to one of Napolean's 
generals, visited her uncle in Havana in the 1840s--some twenty years after 
the close of the period under consideration here. In her memoir of the trip, 
she had the following to say about meals among the Cuban gentry: 



191 



"There is no affluent household that does not have a French cook or 
that could not combine on their table, in this fashion, courses more exquisite 
than French cuisine, with the riches of the kind that nature lavishes upon 
our colonies. 

" Habaneros eat a little at a time, like birds; at whatever hour of the day, 
you find them with a [piece of] fruit or a lump of sugar in their mouths; for 
the rest of the time, they prefer vegetables, fruit, and above all rice; meat is a 
sustenance little suited to the climate. They are temperate in diet rather than 
gourmets. Members of the upper class, notwithstanding the European 
sumptuousness of their tables, reserve a true predilection for creole dishes. 
They like other dishes, but they dine principally on the latter. The first is an 
opulent specialty they serve to entertain strangers; the other is part of their 
basic furnishings, somewhat faded by use, but which fit the tucks in the body 
and whose cloth they prefer to cashmere or brocade" (Merlin 1974: 94-95 
[translation mine]). 

Background to Colonial Subsistence in St. Augustine 
Based on Zooarchaeological Data 

Until this study, there was no zooarchaeological database for the late 
colonial period in St. Augustine. This is in contrast to the enormous body of 
data that has been accumulated over the past fifteen years on the First 
Spanish Period. Such information is crucial for understanding late colonial 
susbsistence, even though the ecology of the region remained fairly stable. 

As noted above, trade may have been important in supplying Florida 
with bulk grains and barreled meats and lards during the early colonial 
period. However, the colonial subsistence base derived in large part from 
local livestock, wild resources, and the produce of surrounding missions. 



Most of our information about this subsistence base has come in the from of 
zooarchaeological data. 

From the sixteenth century onwards, colonists introduced European 
domesticates and cultigens to Florida. Sheep and goats-the traditional 
livestock of Andalusia, Spain—did not adapt well in Florida and were unable 
to fend off wild predators (Reitz 1992b; Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry and Reitz 
1990). Pigs, on the other hand, flourished— as they had in the Caribbean 
islands— and the colony seems to have abounded in both feral and domestic 
strains. Cattle also adapted well to Florida, although their numbers became 
significant only after the early seventeenth century (Reitz 1992a, 1992b). San 
Luis de Talamali, a late seventeenth-century mission near present-day 
Tallahassee, was apparently very successful in raising chickens and cattle. 
Remains from these animals, as well as deer, are more abundant in trash 
deposits at this mission than in any othe part of Spanish Florida, including St. 
Augustine (Reitz 1992a: 3-4, 12). 

Colonists succeeded as well in transfering to Florida a variety of Old 
World cultigens, including figs, peaches, pomegranates, watermelon, 
canteloupes, oranges, and garlic (Reitz and Scarry 1985; Scarry and Reitz 1990). 
They also introduced beans and chili peppers from Mexico. Many of these 
would have been cultivated in garden plots immediately around houses and 
in the fields and orchards outside of town. Added to this complex were the 
indigenous cultigens of squash, beans, and maize. During the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries, missions throughout Timucua and Apalachee 
territory provided game, livestock, and a portion of their harvests as tribute 
(Hahn 1988: 136; Reitz 1992a). The headquarters of the Franciscans in St. 
Augustine was apparently a beneficiary; remains of deer and chicken at this 
convento occur in greater quantity than at most other sites in the town (Reitz 



193 



1992a). Indians brought other foods to market, including dried turkey, fish, 
game, and saltback (Bushnell 1981: 11). 

A wide array of wild fauna was also available around St. Augustine. 
Estuarine and coastal fishes were a staple in the diet of most colonists. Sites 
abound with bones from drum, catfish, mullet, and sheephead, though 
settlers caught many other species. Wild ducks, wading birds, and shore birds 
could be hunted or snared in the surrounding marshes and sea islands. Feral 
hogs inhabited marshes and turkeys could be found in upland and forest. 
Hunting of deer was common, and small mammals-opossum, rabbit, 
raccoon-have been found in domestic site assemblages from all periods. 
Colonists also captured alligators and turtles, with gopher tortoise being a 
common feature in the local diet. 

Faunal data from all three centuries of the First Spanish Period show 
that the subsistence base of St. Augustine was remarkably consistent over 
time, drawing heavily on exploitation of deer, gopher tortoises, sea catfishes, 
drums, and mullets (Reitz 1992a). In general "when comparing the faunal 
evidence among the centuries for evidence of change in animal use at St. 
Augustine, stability in the subsistence strategy is more characteristic than 
change" (Reitz 1992a: 5). In most colonial households, more than 80 percent 
of the identified animals (based on MNI) were wild taxa. The number of 
domestic individuals-cattle, pig, and chicken-usually ranged between 9 
percent and 15 percent in the samples (Reitz 1992a). However, beef 
contributed more to the diet as time went on. In the early eighteenth century, 
domestic animals typically represented 17 percent or more of the individuals 
recovered in samples at middle- and upper-class households, and accounted 
for more than 80 percent of the total biomass at these sites (Reitz and Cumbaa 
1983: Table 8.11). 






1 94 

Our most in-depth knowledge of diet among Spanish Florida's 
colonists comes from archaeological work on the Iberian, American-born, and 
mestizo familes of early eighteenth-century St. Augustine. Reitz and Cumbaa 
found that colonial diet diverged considerably from Iberian traditions, but 
that high status households tried to minimize the differences. Table 8-3 
presents a list of the sites, giving the household heads and ethnic affiliations 
in their study (see Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: Tables 8.3-8.8 for species lists of 
these sites; tables summarizing faunal data by types of animals exploited and 
by major species exploited are presented in the analysis section). Through use 
of town censuses and maps, the authors were able to correlate archaeological 
deposits at six sites with known residents. This formed the basis for their 
study of how diet varied according to social rank and ethnicity in the First 
Spanish Period. 

Table 8-3. Site Numbers, Occupants, and Ethnic Affiliation of Eighteenth 
Century First Spanish Period Sites 

Site Number Occupant Affiliation 

SA-16-23 Maria de la Cruz Mestizo 

SA-13-5 Gertrudis de la Pasqua Criollo 

SA-7-4 Geronimo Jose de Hita y Salazar Criollo 

SA-7-6 Antonio de Mesa Criollo 

SA-36-4 Francisco Ponce de Leon Criollo 

SA-34-2 Cristoval Contreras Peninsular 

Source: Deagan 1983. 

In general, variability across sites followed predicted patterns. Use of 
wild terrestrial fauna was found to correlate with status-the Contreras and de 
Leon assemblages containing the most and the mestizo collection the least 
(Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 177). Use of fish was negatively correlated-with the 



195 

mestizo household being most dependent on marine resources. Pork and 
game were important parts of the diet at both the top and bottom of the social 
scale. By contrast, the mid-ranking criollo households seem to have relied 
more on beef and fish as a staple. The authors concluded that peninsular and 
wealthy Creole households attempted to maintain an Old World mixed 
subsistence base, substituting wild fauna where possible for beef, which was 
not a major component of traditional Spanish diet. The relatively large 
quantity of pork in upper-status diet tends to confirm this. Faunal evidence 
drawn from the entire database on Spanish Florida suggests that pork was 
harder to obtain in the eighteenth century than at earlier times (Reitz 1992a: 
7). Beef, on the other hand, was widely available and also distributed as 
rations. This perhaps explains why less affluent criollos had to diverge more 
from Iberian patterns and used beef as their mainstay. The mestizo 
household followed a broad-based subsistence strategy; its heavy use of fish 
resembled subsistence strategies employed by indigenous peoples both in pre- 
colonial and colonial times. For the most part, one would expect Spanish diet 
in the late colonial St. Augustine to resemble that of earlier periods. 



Spanish and Minorcan Diet in Late Colonial St. Augustine 
These are the baseline data --documentary and archaeological— for a 
study of late colonial foodways. They provide us with clues, but not 
understanding, regarding subsistence among late colonial families. For this 
we must move to the sketchy evidence provided in accounts of what 
Spaniards and Minorcans ate in the 1790s and early 1800s and to the analysis 
of food remains from our colonial sample. 






196 



The Condesa de Merlin's description of dinner parties in Havana, 
while full of charm, provided no specific examples of what Cuban "creole" 
dishes comprised. This is of interest, since the Spanish upper class families of 
St. Augustine in the late eighteenth century were principally either cubanos 
or else Iberian Spaniards who spent most of their lives in Havana. A slightly 
more detailed glimpse of Cuban lifestyle comes from the published letters of 
Robert Francis Jameson, an official of the British Navy, who visited "La 
Habana" in 1820, at the close of Florida's colonial period: 

"The Cuban gentleman gets up early and takes a cup of chocolate as 
soon as he rises. He then lights his tobacco and takes a walk along the avenue 
or [other] vantage points, or goes horseback riding. At ten o'clock [the family] 
takes almuerzo : fish, meat, soup, eggs with ham, wine, and coffee" (in Perez 
de la Riva 1981: 61 [trans, mine]). 

A better account, however, is that of David Turnbull, an American 
naval officer and abolitionist, who visited Cuba in 1838-39 to report on 
slavery. He gave no description of typical Cuban meals, but discussed 
resources on the island and how people provisioned themselves. Turnbull 
noted the abundance of cattle and pigs, which far outnumbered goats and 
sheep, although these were also raised. Poultry included hens, English 
gamecocks (raised primarily for cock-fights), goose, turkey, pigeon, and 
peacock. Partridges, previously abundant, were reduced in number. Cubans 
hunted turtles and would raid the nests of sea turtles at night for their eggs. 
The land crab population was so large in some areas that people riding on 
horseback had to take care to avoid places undermined by their dens. Fish 
varied widely by region, but Turnbull noted that in the market at Havana the 
most abundant species were two he identified only as viajaca (biajaca) and 



197 






mojarra . Shark was also sold at market. Local "market gardeners" provided 
the city's vegetables and fruits (Turnbull 1969: 324-333). 

Much of what was done on Cuba could have also been practiced in 
Florida and we can expect that Spanish elites of the late colonial period 
followed a diet comparable to those of the peninuslares or middle strata 
criollos of the First Spanish Period, as described by Reitz and Cumbaa. 

The Minorcans composed the other major colonial group whose 
foodways are addressed in this study. They were the chief suppliers of St. 
Augustine's market in fresh fish, fruit, and vegetables, a role they aquired 
during the British Period. At that time, released from their obligations as 
indentured plantation workers, the Minorcans had returned to their 
traditional occupations of small scale farming, gardening, and fishing. Their 
ten years of hard-won experience in New Smyrna provided them with first- 
hand knowledge about farming in Florida (Griffin 1990). The market for food 
expanded during the American Revolution, as St. Augustine's population 
swelled with the ranks of Loyalists fleeing the colonies. This proved a boon 
for the Minorcans, who profited from increased demand. 

By the time that Florida reverted to Spanish rule, Minorcans were 
central to the provisioning of St. Augustine. The most successful had already 
moved into shipping— thus broadening their role in the marketplace. They 
continued to be the main providers of fresh fish, fruits, and vegetables, 
although increasingly they had competition from Seminoles in the provision 
of wild game. As in earlier times, residential lots in St. Augustine were 
nestled amidst lots given to gardens. The orange grove of Jose Peso de 
Burgo separated the houses of Bernardo Segui, one of the subjects of our 
archaeological analysis, and the house and store of Andres Ximenez, a 
Spanish merchant. Fruit groves were valuable enough to be inventoried and 















assessed for taxes in probate records. The 1793 probate of Catalina Rideveto, 
wife of Vicente Pedro Casaly, noted that the solar -or yard-held an orchard of 
15 orange trees, 1 sour orange tree, 5 peach trees, 2 lemon trees, 2 plum trees, 
and 1 quince tree. All of these were cultivated on Minorca. 

Little is known from archaeological contexts about the diet of colonial 
Minorcans in Florida. There has been no systematic excavation of Minorcan 
sites from the New Smyrna plantation. However, there are eighteenth 
century accounts of diet on Minorca as well as ethnohistoric studies of the 
New Smyrna colony. Most of what follows draws heavily from the accounts 
of John Armstrong, a British engineer, and of Dr. George Cleghorn, a British 
military surgeon, both of whom lived on Minorca during the 1740s and 1750s. 
Patricia Griffin's comprehensive study of Minorcan life in Florida between 
1768 and 1788 is also a basic source (Griffin 1990). 

Armstrong and Cleghorn both drew attention in their works to the 
importance of fishing on Minorca and to the popularity of hunting game 
birds. Cleghorn used his years of service on Minorca to compile data on the 
incidence of disease and wrote a highly regarded treatise on the epidemiology 
of the island. This work was prefaced with a brief account of Minorcan life. 
His account included a list of some three dozen fish commonly caught along 
the coast. Some of these were species also common along the Florida coast, 
notably mullet, which continue to attract Minorcan fishermen in St. 
Augustine to this day. A sample of Cleghorn's list, focusing on species with 
habitats around both Minorcan and Florida, is given in the Table 8-4. 

Minorca also provided ample pasture for cattle, sheep, and goats "but of 
all kinds of meat none is here in so great plenty and perfection as pork-nor is 
any other so much esteemed by the native" (Cleghorn 1779: 31). Domestic 












199 



poultry consisted of a complex similar to that raised by Spaniards on Cuba: 
ducks, turkeys, geese, and chicken. 

Game on Minorca included rabbit, hedgehog, and land turtle, the latter 
two apparently hunted by the poor. Sea turtle was a marine resource. 
However, the most avidly sought game seem to have been wild birds. 
Cleghorn's list of game birds mentioned ring doves, red-legged partridges, 
stone curlews, quails, blackbirds, solitary sparrows, nightingales, goldfinches, 
wild ducks, widgeons, teal, coot, water hens, kingfishers, and rock pigeons 
(1779: 32-33). These were most often served at the tables of the affluent. 

Table 8-4. Taxa of Fish Found Near Minorca and Florida 



Taxa Identified by Cleghorn Catalan 



Common Name 



Anguilla Salv. 


Anguila 


Sparus Rond. 


Esperai 


Mugil Cephalus 




Scorpius 




Squatina Rond. 




Sphyraena 


Espeton 


Scomber 


Cavallar 


Xiphias Piscis 


Peix de espasa 


Stromateus Rond. 




Source: Cleghorn 1779. 





Freshwater Eel 
Porgies 

Striped Mullet 
Scorpion fish 
Angel Sharks 
Barracuda 
Mackerels/Tunas 
Scabbardfish? 
Butterfishes 



Armstrong was less explicit in his account of life on Minorca but he 
noted many of the fish mentioned by Cleghorn and drew attention to a fish 
that he identified as Acus, or sea-pike. "It comes on our coast in vast 
Shoals in the Autumn ... It is highly regarded by the Spaniards ... and eats 
somewhat like the mackarel" (1756: 163). Like Cleghorn, Armstrong observed 
that the dons, or well-to-do, had a passion for hunting partridges and birds of 



200 



passage (Armstrong 1756: 205). Indeed, the importance of hunting game bird 
of all sizes was still remarked upon by visitors to Minorca in the early 
twentieth century (Chamberlain 1927: 133). 

Much of native Minorcan diet, however, was vegetarian. In his review 
of Minorcan gardening and agriculture, Cleghom wrote: "They likewise sow 
beans, chichlings, chich pease, two species of kidney bean, and lentils; these 
being a considerable part of their diet at such time as they are prohibited from 
eating meat, by their religion" (1779: 8-9). Other cultigens present year-round 
were cabbage, colewort, lettuce, spinach, endive, beets, parsley, cresses, leeks, 
onions, garlic, celery, radishes and horseradish, sage, mint, sweet and wild 
majoram, thyme. In winter, this was supplemented with carrots, parsnips, 
turnips, artichokes, asparagus, and cauliflower. In summer, Minorcans also 
raised "various kinds of cucumbers, pompions, musk melons, and 
watermelons of great plenty and perfection" (Cleghorn 1779: 9-11). All kinds 
of citrus grew well and there were a host of wild plants, including fennel, 
puslane, sowthistle, watercress, and capers, many of which were eaten during 
times of scarcity. The myrtle was abudant and its leaves were used to tan 
leather and manufacture a black dye for clothing. Its berries were eaten in 
times of famine (Cleghorn 1779). 

In a general statement on diet, the surgeon concluded: "Bread, of the 
finest wheat flour, well-fermented and well-baked, is more than half the diet 
of people of all ranks. Scarce a fifth of their whole diet is furnished from the 
animal kingdom; and of this fish makes up much the most considerable 
portion" (1779: 35). 

In coming to Florida, the Minorcan community had to adjust to two 
things: the new environment and the hardships of indentured servitude, 
which structured their lives and prevented them from following many of the 






201 



subsistence activities they were familiar with in the Old World. Scarcity and 
want reduced the immigrants at times to starvation provender. "As recently 
as the depression of the 1930s there are reports of Minorcan families near St. 
Augustine weathering hardtimes by eating acorn broth [Manucy 1975]" 
(Griffin 1990: 61). On the plantation, Minorcans hunted deer when possible, 
captured gopher tortoise, and followed their traditional practices of fishing, 
especially for abundant species, such as mullet, which were familiar from Old 
World contexts (Griffin 1990: 61-63). Some raised chickens for sale but before 
chickens were numerous settlers took sea turtle eggs as a substitute for 
chicken eggs (Griffin 1990: 61). They continued also to hunt birds, including 
such waterfowl as wood stork and marsh hens. 

Upon escaping plantation life and moving to St. Augustine, the 
Minorcans seem to have returned to more traditional foodways. With their 
own gardens and farms, they were able to produce fruits and other crops. In 
the morning families would eat bread seasoned with oil or vinegar and salt 
and pepper; other meals included vegetable stews augmented by fish or game 
(Griffin 1990: 176). Fishing and oystering were widespread. Of 176 Minorcans 
with known occupations for the years 1784-1788, only seven listed their 
profession as fisherman; but this masked the fact that many Minorcans 
engaged in fishing on a part-time or seasonal basis (Griffin 1990:152, 179). 

Thus, previous zooarchaeological work on Spanish Florida, as well as 
historical accounts of life on Cuba and Minorca, provide broad parameters for 
both foods and food preferences that might have been pursued in St. 
Augustine. Turning now to the fauna recovered archaeologically, we find 
that may aspects of traditional diet, as well as accomodation to the local 
ecology, characterized the foodways of the Second Spanish Period. 






CHAPTER 9 
ZOOARCHAEOLOGY OF SPANISH AND MINORCAN HOUSEHOLDS 



Zooarchaeology and food remains are clearly important in their 
potential to tell us about diet and social differentiation in St. Augustine. In 
comparing the diet of Second Spanish Period households, we return to the 
basic axes used in the chapter on material culture: socioeconomic position 
and ethnicity. Is there evidence that household foodways were more or less 
similar along one of these axes? 

Zooarchaeology of Spanish and Minorcan Households 
To date, there has been little written on subsistence in the Second 
Spanish Period, primarily because of a shortage of data. Prior to this study, 
the largest and most representative data base for the late eighteenth century 
came from the Ximenez-Fatio site (Reitz and Brown 1984). The species list for 
this site is reproduced in Appendix E. Increased trade in St. Augustine in late 
colonial times suggests that colonists would be more reliant on domestic 
fauna. Yet at the Ximenez-Fatio site, domestic sources of meat seem to have 
been less-not more-important than in the First Spanish Period, with fish, 
aquatic reptiles, and wild terrestrial fauna all making significant contributions 
to diet. Turtle was particularly prevalent. Excavations recovered an entire 
sea turtle carapace from a refuse pit. More elements were recovered from a 
well and associated well-construction pit (Ewen 1984; Reitz and Brown 1984). 



202 






203 



The biomass represented by turtle in the assemblage was almost as much as 
for cow (see Reitz and Brown 1984: Table 10). 

In fact, there are reasons to suspect that the Ximenez site is atypical of 
the Second Spanish Period. The large numbers of sea turtle may reflect 
seasonal hunting. In addition, the trash pit and well which provided most of 
the faunal sample stood in an orange grove owned by the Peso de Burgo 
family and located between the lots of the Segui and Ximenez families. There 
is no way to determine which family deposited trash on the lot and it is 
possible that deposits represented a mixture of refuse from several families. 
In any case, the Ximenez" site data are remarkably at variance with data from 
the sites examined below. 

The households from the late colonial period used in this study have 
already been discussed in Chapter 4 and identified but Table 8-1. These 
households represent a small segment of the social spectrum than did those 

■ 

used for the First Spanish Period by Reitz and Cumbaa. With the exception of 
the Triays, all the households considered here were affluent (although to 
differing degrees), and even the Triays' social position improved over time. 

In terms of income, Segui and Papy were the most affluent but 
Bousquet and Sanchez had salaries above the mean of 380 pesos per year for 
civil servants. The Usina household, included in the analysis of ceramic 
assemblages, had no accessible faunal assemblage and is not included here. 
The Triay site is the only representative of a poor family. Fortunately, faunal 
data for this family are available not only from the late Spanish colonial 
period but also from the immediately preceding British Period, providing 
some time depth on foodways at this site. If there was such a thing as an 
"average" Minorcan family, the Triays probably represented it, making a 
living from what they grew in their fields or caught in their nets. 






204 



Results and Interpretation 

Overall, the species most abundantly represented in the assemblages 
continue to be those that were consistently important in St. Augustine over 
time: domestical mammals, poultry, and fish, especially such species as 
mullet, catfish, and drum. For comparative purposes, data on the Second 
Spanish Period households were organized into tables used by Reitz and 
Cumbaa in their analysis of First Spanish Period sites (1983). The first of these 
tables shows the distribution of species at each household grouped into broad 
categories represented by MNI (see Table 9-1) and by biomass (see Table 9-2). 

In most respects, subsistence at the wealthy representives of the Second 
Spanish Period-the Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui households-exhibited a 
range and distribution of species similar to the criollo and peninsulare 
families of the First Spanish Period. (The Papy assemblage, because of some 
specialized activities, is more difficult to compare and will be discussed in 
more detail below). Two chi-square tests, based on the biomass data in Table 
9.2 and reproduced in Appendix E, were run to compare the Bousquet, 
Sanchez, and Segui assemblages with those from mid-level criollo and 
wealthy households of the earlier colonial period. In both cases, the test 
showed no statistically significant difference in the relative frequency of 
general faunal categories contributing to diet between the two time periods. 
The mainstays of all households seem to have been domestic sources of meat 
supplemented by fish and wild game. 

A closer comparison of these same sites suggests that the Second 
Spanish Period households were most similar to the wealthiest households 
of the First Spanish Period as represented by the de Leon and Contreras sites. 
This is apparent in the tables showing more specific information for relative 
frequencies of various types of animals during the First and Second Spanish 






V 



205 



Periods, particularly with respect to the importance of pig, deer, and cow as 
contributors to diet (see Tables 9-3, 9-4, 9-5, 9-6). Reitz and Cumbaa's (1983) 
study of foodways in the First Spanish Period indicated that the affluent de 
Leon and Contreras households consumed relatively more pork than mid- 
level criollo households. They interpreted the mixed reliance on pork and 
beef in the wealthier households as "conforming more closely to the barnyard 
strategy of the Old World" (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 184). Mid-level 
households relied more heavily on beef. 

The wealthy Second Spanish Period households also seem to conform 
to a mixed strategy of using pork and beef. A chi-square test comparing the 
mean values of biomass for pig, deer, and cow showed no statistical difference 
between the Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui assemblages and those of de Leon 
and Contreras. However, pork was much more significant as a contributor in 
these assemblages than in mid-level criollo assemblages from the earlier 
period (X 2 .005 = 12.55 with two degrees of freedom; rejection of null 
hypothesis if X 2 > 10.5966. See Appendix E). 

Measures of diversity also tended to show a general similarity between 
the wealthiest households of the two periods (see Table 9-7). The mean and 
median diversity (based on MNI) is lower for the Second Spanish Period but 
this is attributable to the low diversity values of the Triay assemblage, a poor 
Minorcan household. With this assemblage eliminated, the mean and 
median diversities are very close and the values for equitability almost 
identical. In this case, diversity does not correlate with the site sample sizes as 
measured by either NISP or MNI (see Table 9-8) and hence does not seem to 
be a function of sample size. 









206 



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Table 9-8. Comparison of NISP, MM, and Diversity for Sites 



Site Household 


NISP 


MNI 


Diversity 


Bousquet 


1087 


101 


2.85 


Papy 


948 


99 


2.45 


Triay (British) 


913 


48 


2.58 


Triay (Span II) 


714 


75 


2.53 


Sanchez 


473 


78 


2.96 


Segui 


411 


60 


3.01 



213 



Comparison of the Second Spanish Period Faunal Assemblages 
Among themselves, the Second Spanish Period sites display 
considerable variation. The most exceptional case is that of Triay. In both the 
British and Second Spanish periods, 90 percent of the animals recovered at 
this site were fish, accounting for 84 percent and 71 percent of estimated 
biomass, respectively (see Tables 9-1 and 9-2). There is no comparable site 
from eighteenth century St. Augustine. The Triay household thus accords 
closely with documentary sources that say Minorcans derived a substantial 
portion of their subsistence from fishing. Fish was the major animal 
component of diet at the Triay site during both the British and Second 
Spanish Period. Mullet contributed significantly to diet (20 percent of MNI 
during the Second Spanish Period and almost 30 percent of MNI during the 
British Period). This bears out the local St. Augustine traditions-prevailing 
even to this day-that associate Minorcans with mullet fishing. However, the 
biomass calculations suggest that catfish and drum were also important. 
Given the abundance of fish at the Triay site, species diversity was also high. 
This is most evident in the diversity and equitability measures for biomass. 
Triay's household drew sustenance from a wide array of species and, unlike 



214 



the other households, terrestrial animals were no more important than 
marine ones. The greatest difference between Triay and other households, 
however, was the reliance on off-shore species of fish, such as jack ( Caranx 
hippos) , pompano or mojarra ( Diapterus sp), porgy ( Calamus sp), and seatrout 
( Cynosion sp). These typically constituted between 8 percent and 10 percent 
of the MNI in other assemblages. However, for the Second Spanish Period 
occupation at the Triay site, these species accounted for almost 25 percent of 
MNI (see data on Triay site in Appendix E). 

While it is true that sample size was small for the Triay household, 
two studies using additional samples from the British Period well came up 
with almost identical distributions for species (Fernandez-Sardina 1991; 
Trocolli 1991). Hence, there is little possibility that the results of analysis were 
a product of sample bias. 

Moreover, a recently completed analysis of fauna from another 
Minorcan site within the Minorcan Quarter, the Pellicer-de Burgo site (SA-7- 
7), fish constituted about 76 percent of MNI and mullet about 30 percent 
(Mary Herron, personal communication, April 20, 1993). This site was 
occupied by poor Minorcans throughout the late colonial period and the 
similarity of its assemblage to that of SA-12-26 is worth note. 

Fish were not the only part of the diet, however. Studies were also 
done of the shellfish and the plant remains recovered from the British Period 
contexts of the Triay occupation at SA-12-26. 

The analysis of the well material included an assessment of shellfish 
recovered from the site. While shell can be present at sites in St. Augustine 
for many reasons (i.e., its use as construction material), shell in the Triay well 
appears to have been the remains of oyster and clam harvested for food. 
Deposits of clumped oyster shell and of quahogs ( Mercenaria mer cenary 















were recovered from throughout the well deposit. Study of growth 
increments in quahogs suggest that collection of clams was done in late 
winter or early spring. The Triays may have harvested shellfish on a 
seasonal basis as a dietary supplement. Unfortunately, biomass estimates for 
the oyster and clam were not available at the time of this writing (Quitmyer 
1988). 

More evidence for foodways comes from botanical data. The Triay site 
was the only one in the sample for which botanical data were available, and 
these were derived only from the British Period well where it was possible to 
retrieve plant remains from below water table. Cultivated species were 
consistent with what is known about Minorcan practices of backyard 
gardening and comprised "vegetable and grain crops, such as squash, cowpea, 
and maize; fruit trees, citrus in particular; chili pepper and perhaps also 
parsley for spices; peanut for nut oil and perhaps fodder for animals; and 
gourds for containers and/or seed oil" (Newsom 1990: 21, 1991). The 
identification of citrus, parsely, and possibly carrot in the well all represent 
species commonly cultivated on Minorca (Cleghom 1779: 8-11). Pomegrante, 
another garden cultigen common on Mincorca, has also been identified in the 
Triay assemblage (Newsom, personal communication, April 5, 1993). 
Recovery of purslane (Portulaca oleracea) is of interest as this grows in the 
wild on Minorca and was eaten in times of scarcity (Cleghorn 1779). Many of 
the species identified are also components of the stew described as a typical 
Minorcan fare from the eighteenth century onwards (Griffin 1990). 

The other four sites are more comparable and indeed demonstrate a 
general similarity. The two Spanish households of Bousquet and Sanchez 
had high diversity (based on MNI) and a fairly equitable distribution of 
species (see Table 9-5). The most frequently recovered species were fish; 






216 



however, estimates of biomass indicate that more than 80 percent of the diet 
came from beef and pork. The differences at these sites were primarily in the 
use of specific species. Both hardhead catfish ( Arius felis) and gafftopsail 
catfish ( Bagre marinus) were unusually common at the Bousquet site. They 
accounted for 36 percent of total MNI and about 50 percent of the fish in the 
sample, more even than in the Triay assemblages. Pigs were especially 
prevalent in the Sanchez deposits. Both the Bousquet and Sanchez 
assemblages show a general conformity in terms of range of species exploited 
with Spanish assemblages of the First Spanish Period. 

Evalutation of diet at the Minorcan household of Gaspar Papy was 
complicated by evidence for specialized activities at the site. Almost 44 
percent of the animals recovered from the privy at this site were chickens. 
The elements recovered-mostly heads and feet-suggest that the Papys raised 
poultry for slaughter and that slaughter refuse was thrown into the privy (see 
Tables 9-9 and 9-10). Two intact chicken eggs were also recovered from the 
privy, as well as evidence for chicks and juveniles. Unfortunately, the 
predominance of chicken in this assemblage created difficulties for 
assessments of diet. Chicken is obviously over-represented. To compensate 
for this, relative frequencies of species were calculated first with chicken 
included in the assemblage and then with it excluded. Of interest is the fact 
that-whether one includes or excludes chicken-the Papy assemblage had the 
highest relative frequency of birds. The minimum assessment for wild birds 
in the deposit resulted in an MNI of 13: 3 ducks ( Anas sp.), 3 mergansers 
( Mergus sp.), 2 turkeys (Meleaeris gallopav(V). 2 rock doves ( Columba livia) . a 
godwit (Limosa sp.), a willet ( Catoptophorus semip almahisV and a grackle 
( Quiscalus sp.). Mergansers and godwits are seasonal birds more prevalent in 






217 

Table 9-9. Identified Skeletal Elements of Chicken ( Gallus gallus) 
from the Papy Assemblage 



Element Number 

Cranium 31 

Frontal frag 35 

Mandibles 25 

Mandible joint 37 

Mandible shaft frag 5 

Palatine 10 

Premaxilla 26 

Quadrates (left) 21 

Quadrates (right) 21 

Quadrate 1 

Coracoid 2 

Furcula 1 

Scapula 5 

Sternum frag 1 

Sternum carina 1 

Ulna 4 

Humerus 4 

Radius 2 

Carpometacarpus 4 

Zysophophysis 1 

Atlas 15 

Vertebrae 59 

Vertebrae, cervical 46 

Vertebrae, terminal 1 

Rib shaft 9 

Illium frag 1 

Ishium 2 

Fibula 2 

Tibiotarsus (right) 4 

Tibiotarsus (left) 4 

Tarsometatarsus (right) 44 

Tarsometatarsus (left) 33 
Tarsometatarsus symphysis 5 

Spur 2 

Claws 7 

Digit 2, Phalanx 1 3 

Digit 2, Phalanx 2 2 

Phalanges 218 

Phalanges, terminal 6 

Symphysis 1 






Table 9-10. Identified Skeletal Elements of Other Birds 
from the Papy Assemblage 



218 



Element 

Frontal frag 

Mandibles 

Mandible joint 

Mandible shaft frag 

Premaxilla 

Quadrate 

Coracoid 

Ulna 

Humerus 

Radius 

Carpometacarpus 

Vertebrae 

Illium frag 

Femur 

Tibiotarsus (right) 

Tibiotarsus (left) 

Tarsometatarsus (left) 

Digit 2, Phalanx 1 

Phalanges 



Turkey Anas Mergus Columba Other 



1 
1 



1 
3 



1 

1 



11 









the colder months, so the fauna from Papy's household may represent 
winter-time activities (see Tables 6-4 and 6-5 and data on Papy site in 
Appendix E). 

In other repects, with chicken removed, the relative species 
abundances for both MNI and biomass at this site are fairly close to those for 
Bousquet and Sanchez. Papy's sample differed primarily in its predominance 
of beef and wild bird. 

Based solely on the incidence of wild bird in assemblages, the faunal 
assemblage most similar to the Papy household was that of fellow Minorcans 
the Seguis. The size of the sample from the Segui site was small (MNI=60) so 






219 



that interpretations must be tentative. But the sample did include evidence 
for duck (Anas sp.), merganser ( Mergus sp.), coot ( Fulica americana) , turkey 
( Meleagris gallopavo) , and dowitcher ( Limnodromus sp.). From the same 
deposit, excavators recovered a musket butt-plate, and a trigger guard and side 
plate for a pistol. This suggests that some role for hunting in provisioning 
the household. 

It should be noted that while mullet ( Mugil sp.) was a species known to 
Minorcans in the Old World and traditionally associated with their fishing 
catchment in St. Augustine, it does not appear to have been a particular 
marker of diet among the Minorcans in the sample. It was a major 
component of the Triay assemblage, but that assemblage consisted almost 
entirely of fish. In the other assemblages, mullet was also the most abundant 
species of fish-accounting for between 15 and 30 percent of the MNI. The 
only exception was that of the Bousquet assemblage, where it was the second 
most abundant after catfish. 

Of more interest is the relative importance of wild bird in the two well- 
to-do Minorcan assemblages. As was noted in the previous chapter, hunting 
of game bird, including small birds and migrating water fowl, was important 
enough on Minorca to draw comment from many observers (Armstrong 
1756; Cleghorn 1779; Chamberlain 1927). It appears to be a practice that carried 
over to Florida. Species of wild bird composed about 10 percent of the MNI in 
the Segui assemblage and 13 percent in the Papy assemblage. In comparison, 
wild birds accounted for less than 4 percent of MNI in the Sanchez, Bousquet, 
and Ximenez-Fatio assemblages. The relative abundance of wild bird in the 
Minorcan assemblages was also higher than in St. Augustine assemblages in 
general. For the sixteenth, seventeenth, and early eighteenth century, wild 












220 



birds accounted, on average, for 63 percent, 4 2 percent, and 6-2 percent, of 
MNI, respectively (Reitz 1992b: 84). 

The species in the Papy assemblage included several shorebirds, which 
written accounts say were hunted both in Minorca and New Smyrna 
(Cleghorn 1779; Griffin 1990). According to Geghom, some of the other 
species represented— turkey, duck, and coot— were commonly bred or hunted 
on Minorca tor the tables of the wealthy (1779: 32-33). The same source listed 
other common game as ring doves, partridges, curlews, quails, blackbirds, teal, 
widgeons, water hens, kingfishers, and rock pigeons. Written accounts note 
that Minorcans also hunted shore birds in New Smyrna. 

The higher percentages of wild bird in the Segui and Papy assemblages 
possibly mark a difference between Minorcan and Spanish foodways that was 
culturally-derived. Seasonality cannot be ruled out as a factor, but most of the 
birds which differentiated the Minorcan and Spanish assemblages were 
available year-round near St. Augustine Wild bird was apparently a delicacv 
on Minorca in the eighteenth century and continues to be a seasonal specialtv 
of Mediterranean cuisine today. Note, for example, the following account bv 
May Theilgaard Watts, concerning the hunting of small game birds in Siena, 
Italv: 



All the rest of the market was offering small brown thrushlike birds in 
simple wooden cages. The customers were men, working men who 
paid out their money with hard hands. We sought an explantation 
from a young English-speaking Italian woman. She told us, "It is the 
hunting season. All Italian men are going hunting. . . . Those men 
you see . cannot afford to lease a place (to hunt J. They hunt the 

small birds. They cook a pot full of them and eat the whole bird, 
sucking out the skulls and smacking their lips. Thev hang the caged' 
birds in the woods; other birds come and are shot. (Watts 1971: 85) 



221 



A similar observation about Minorca is contained in Frederick 
Chamberlain's The Balearics and Their People (1927): "Until the advent of 
the Directory in Spain, every sort of bird was slaughtered ruthlessly at any 
time of the year, and by any means-guns, traps, nets, etc.— and bunches of tiny 
warblers, robins, and finches were sold in the markets." 

The evidence from St. Augustine suggests that it was year-round and 
migratory waterfowl, rather than small birds, that were the focus of hunting. 
However, the parallelism with historical accounts deserves note and should 
prompt additional research as more Minorcan sites are excavated. 

In other respects, the Segui household followed a subsistence strategy 
similar to that of the two Spanish households. Pork was a prized and 
preferred meat among both Minorcans and Spaniards and accounts for about 
10 percent of estimated biomass in the assemblages of Segui, Bousquet, and 
Sanchez. This seems to fall between the range for mid-level criollo and upper 
status households of the First Spanish Period (see Reitz and Cumbaa 1983: 
176). The Segui faunal assemblage had the highest measurements for 
diversity and equitability and used the most wild game, including small 
mammals and alligator. Yet beef, pork, and various species of fish still seem 
to have been a main component of diet. 

Interpretation 
Faunal data would seem to suggest a striking continuation of 
traditional Minorcan diet in the case of the Triay household and notable 
similarities between some aspects of foodways at the Segui and Papy 
households and documented practices on Minorca. Unfortunately it was not 
possible to compare vegetable and animal components of the diet. But the 
assemblage from the Triay household certainly evokes Cleghorn's 



222 



observations that on Minorca "scarce a fifth of their whole diet is furnished 
from the animal kingdom; and of this fish makes up the most considerable 
portion" (1779: 35). This diet no doubt was a product of Juan Triay's 
combined circumstances as a Minorcan, a farmer, a fisherman, and someone 
whose income was limited. Taken as a whole, the assemblage from the 
British and Spanish Period Triay household agreed in most points with 
characteristic subsistence habits and foodways associated with Minorcans. 
These points included: fish and fishing as an important basis for subsistence 
and foods such as fish, shell fish, and garden vegetables, described in 
ethnohistoric accounts as ingredients for Minorcan stew, and supported by 
archaeological evidence from the site. 

The more affluent Segui and Papy households did not conform closely 
to the pattern evident at the Triay site and faunal data point to more than one 
factor influencing foodways. Interpretations of diet at the Papy household 
must be tenuous because of the high incidence of chicken. With chicken 
excluded, the assemblage resembles those of colonists in the Papys' same 
economic strata, with a heavy reliance on beef, pork, and fish. Yet the 
predominant characteristic of the assemblage was the evidence for raising 
poultry and wild birds~a practice noted as typical among Minorcans in 
Minorca and New Smyrna: "Their domestic fowls," recorded Cleghorn, "are 
turkeys, geese, ducks, cocks and hens in great numbers" (1779: 31). It is the 
relative frequency of wild birds in the Segui and Papy assemblages which 
seem to differentiate these two households from those of the Spaniards in the 
sample. There is also a correlation between the exploitation of birds and 
Minorcan cultural practices. The inclusion of shorebirds in both the Segui 
and Papy assemblages recalls hunting practices at New Smyrna, and the 






223 



consumption of wild bird accords with the elite status associated with such 
fare on Minorca. 

The abundance of domestic and wild fowl in the Papy assemblage made 
its comparison with the Spanish sites difficult. Tentatively, it is only possible 
to say that it seems to have shared with these sites a reliance on beef, pork and 
fish. Certainly this was true for the Segui household. The Bousquet, 
Sanchez, and Segui assemblages all displayed some similarity with the elite 
Spanish households of earlier eras. They had the highest diversity of fauna. 
About 60 percent of biomass was beef; pork, although secondary, was 
relatively common. The other principal contributer to diet was fish, although 
species varied considerably by site. Diversity may have been affected by the 
fact that these were the largest households. More persuasive, however, is that 
faunal data tended to corroborate data from material culture presented in the 
last chapter. The wealthy Minorcan family of the Seguis seems to have 
maintained a subsistence base that was a mix of Minorcan and Spanish mores 
in diet and included prestige foods from both traditions. 















CHAPTER 10 
JOURNEY'S END 






This chapter marks the end of our visit to late colonial St. Augustine. 
But more importantly it marks the beginning of the integrated use of 
documents and archaeology to explore this period in Spanish colonial history 
in Florida. An attempt has been made, in this study, to summarize and 
synthesize the work of dozens of researchers and to add to their database the 
results of new analysis. Yet for every document cited there are thousands on 
microfilm which have not even been read, and for every site analyzed there 
are hundreds yet to be investigated. Even so, the goals established at the 
outset of the journey have been reached and we leave it to other travelers 
with new itineraries to make additional excursions. 

This study began by asking a straightforward question: Was the 
material world of Minorcans and Spaniards in St. Augustine more similar 
within ethnic groups or within socioeconomic strata? The answer seems to 
depend on what classes of material culture are considered. A strength of the 
methodology employed here was that it compared two definable groups and 
based that comparision on several categories of material culture. Perhaps the 
most salient point to emerge from the present analysis is the complex 
relationship between material culture and peoples' social affiliations. 

No database is perfect and the data accumulated for this study, 
although extensive, still leave gaps in our picture of the past. The analysis of 



224 






225 



lifeways in Second Spanish Period St. Augustine must remain incomplete, 
for instance, as long as we lack data on the wealthiest Minorcans. Based on 
the data on hand, however, it would seem that the life of "average" 
Minorcans in eighteenth-century St. Augustine did differ significantly from 
that of the Spanish civilian population. 

The analyses of material culture in this study thus seem to justify two 
conclusions. First, material differences between Spaniards and Minorcans in 
late colonial St. Augustine tended to diminish with increasing affluence. Site 
ceramic assemblages and diet were, for the most part, similar within 
economic strata. Second, for the less-than-affluent, the distinction between 
Minorcan and Spaniard remained, and was marked by material as well as 
social boundaries. Minorcans of low- to mid-level social and economic 
standing exhibited a conservative adherence to Old World Minorcan diet and 
costume. This conservativism was reflected, at least in part, even in the diet 
of affluent Minorcans. 

To put these findings in broader perspective, what do they tell us about 
ethnic persistence and assimilation in the late colonial period? 

At the beginning of this study, two propositions about the formation of 
ethnic groups were juxtaposed. In Wallerstein's world system theory, 
people's social life is molded and cast by class affiliation, and ethnic identity, 
where it emerges, is a symptom of a class conflict. In Braudel's assessment of 
the rise of capitalism, ethnic groups remain a basic form of social 
organization-social and economic networks that function alongside or 
within the larger aggregates of market systems or classes. These two 
propositions have their counterparts in modern sociological theory. 
Postiglione (1983: 19) has divided social theory about ethnicity in the 
twentieth-century United States into five major schools o thought, which he 






-> ~> 



26 






labelled according to their defining principles as Anglo-Conformity,. Melting 
Pot, Cultural Pluralism, Emerging Culture, and Impact-Integration. The first 
two emphasize the importance of assimilation in modern U.S. history, 
predicating the gradual absorption of new immigrants into American cultural 
and society. The last three point to the persistence of ethnic groups and 
ethnicity in American society. While immigrants may conform in order to 
achieve economic goals, the search for social identity in American life and the 
stability offered by group affiliation ultimately lead to a commutation of 
ethnic ties (Glazer and Moynihan 1975; Kallen 1924). What is often taken for 
assimilation is actually a more superficial form of conformity. Thus 
Femminella (1973: 62-63 [cited in Postiglione 1983: 23]) wrote: "Immigrants 
. . . can legitimize their presence by social and psychological subordination 
or submission. However ... no ethnic group has ever completely 
submitted; this is confirmed by empirical evidence". 

In the case of St. Augustine, the overall findings of this study would at 
first sight appear to corroborate Wallerstein's tenet that social class, in the era 
of capitalism, is more influential than ethnicity in shaping people's cultural 
world. It has been suggested by Clark (1987: 385) that ethnic cohesion and the 
expression of ethnicity is primarily a phenomenon associated with people of 
low economic standing that becomes manifest as a reaction to oppression, 
discrimination, or exclusion from more affluent groups of people. Pyszczyk 
(1988, 1989), in a comparison of two ethnic groups that provided the model 
for this study, also noted how differences in material culture tended to 
dissappear with mobility. 

Similar conclusions are supportable from results presented here. It is 
data from the ceramic and faunal assemblage of the poorest Minorcan 
household, the Triays, that provide the most dramatic contrast with 



227 



assemblages of Spanish sites of the colonial period. In addition, the evidence 
for differences in Spanish and Minorcan costume comes primarily from 
probates of individuals in the middle, rather than the upper, socioeconomic 
strata. However, differences in material culture tended to dissipate with 
upward social mobility. Erasure of material distinctions between Spanards 
and Minorcans was characteristic of the assemblages from the two affluent 
Minorcan sites. The data on ceramics was in complete agreement with 
numerous other works in historical archaeology and social history. Studies of 
probate records by Weatherill (1988) and Shammas (1990) and of 
archaeological assemblages (see Spencer-Wood, ed. 1987) have noted that 1) 
choice in ceramics strongly correlate with socioeconomic position and 2) 
occupation, especially involvement in trade and retail, frequently influences 
the acceptance of new fashion. These findings were based on English and 
Anglo-American culture, but data from St. Augustine suggest they are 
relevant to Spanish America also. Among the four most affluent sites, three 
had markedly cosmopolitan assemblages which resembled one another fairly 
closely, regardless of ethnic background. The remaining assemblage-from 
the household of a merchant and shopkeeper-followed new fashions 
prevalent in the United States with a clear attempt to assemble matching, or 
nearly matching, sets of plates. The range and quality of teawares varied 
directly with as assessment of socioeconomic rank. 

Diet among the affluent also evinced a general uniformity. The 
animal staples of beef, pork, and fish occurred in approximately the same 
proportion in affluent late colonial assemblages and followed the pattern 
noted for well-to-do Spanish Floridians of the early eighteenth century. 

The question remains, however, whether these similarities in material 
culture and diet represent assimilation as opposed to conformity. Spicer 






228 



(1961), Gordon (1964), and Kallen (1927; see Postiglione 1973: 115-116) all drew 
important distinctions between these two processes. Immigrant groups, such 
as the Minorcans, regularly conform in some respects to the culture of a new 
home as a form of adaptation and survival. But whether this involves their 
absorption by a larger society—what Gordon called structural assimilation— is 
another matter. 

The demographic profile of Spaniards and Minorcans for late colonial 
St. Augustine makes it apparent that occupational and economic differences 
underlay ethnic differences. Almost 50 percent of Spanish males held 
military or public positions. The majority of Minorcans on the other hand 
were farmers, mariners, or artisans. The two groups were separated as much 
by occupation as by differences in language, history, or culture. 

Moreover, the focus of this study has been on material aspects of life. It 
is important to note that while upward mobility affected the material 
conditions of people's lives, there is little evidence that it had as great an 
impact on social relations. The most "Hispanicized" Minorcan household in 
the sample, the Seguis, continued to maintain close family and extended kin 
relationships with other Minorcans in St. Augustine throughout the Second 
Spanish Period. 

This study has therefore pushed forward but not concluded its inquiry 
into ethnic groups and class in colonial St. Augustine. It is clear, from this 
case study, that the socioeconomic position of a household was a major 
determinant of its material life. But it is also clear that the Minorcans, as a 
group, continued to exist separately from the Spaniards, as a group, and that 
the boundary between them had identifiable material correlates. It now 
remains to determine whether changes in the material life of some 
households signified other changes-in kinship, in economic organization, in 






229 



social relations— that occurred in late colonial society. Such an undertaking 
moves far beyond what was possible within the framework of this 
dissertation. What is needed in the case of colonial St. Augustine, and in 
other community studies, is a network analysis of community social 
relations, such as that by Rutman and Rutman (1984), coupled with an 
analysis of material patterns across households. The call for such work has 
long gone unanswered. In an observation that has an unintentional irony, 
Andrew Greeley first observed almost twenty years ago: "One can only begin 
to explain the considerable cultural diversity that exists among American 
ethnic groups if one begins to investigate the natural history of such groups. 
There seems to be no way in which sociologists and historians can avoid 
cooperating with each other on this project" (1974: 311). It is this task to 
which historians and historical archaeologists-or at least those historians and 
historical archaeologists who believe in the value of social theory-should 
dedicate themselves. 

In the spirit of interdisciplinary cooperation, this study has laid much 
groundwork for future research on the late colonial period in Florida. 

Integration of archival and archaeological data, which made it possible 
to address the substantive goals of this research, also has helped to synthesize 
information on colonial demography, trade, commodity flow, and prices. 
This can be counted as a beneficial byproduct of work undertaken here and 
should assist future research. St. Augustine's geographical and economic 
place in the Atlantic economy and its parallels with the Spanish American 
periphery, especially Cuba, provide an important framework for 
understanding its late colonial history. What is currently known about the 
demography and commerce of the town have been summarized and 
presented in a cohesive and holistic manner. This information will be 






230 






subject to revisions but at least it will provide future researchers with a 
baseline from which to proceed. Moreover, the features that both linked and 
distinguished life in late colonial St. Augustine from the preceding Spanish 
colonial period have been set down and will enable researchers to consider 
the two discrete time periods as portions of a larger whole. Late colonial 
society was indeed both old and new. Its layout, its physical environment, the 
seeds of its culture, social hierarchy, and commerce stem from the period 
1700-1763. Yet we see these old features pulled and reworked into a new 
whole by the Atlantic world economy, the peopling of Spanish Florida, and 
the changes this required. 

On another level, the data presented on late colonial St. Augustine also 
form part of a comparative database on late colonial Spanish sites in general. 
It is either fortuitous or else a sign of increased interest in late colonial times 
that several other studies of the Spanish American periphery have been 
published within the past few years. What emerges from this research is an 
appreciation for the tremendous impact that expanded trade had on the 
Spanish American periphery. For instance, Costello (1992), in an analysis of 
trade at the California missions in the first decade of the nineteenth century, 
found that Spanish and Yankee traders played an analogous role to that noted 
for Havana and Charleston in the case of Florida. Although there was some 
overlap in goods shipped from Spanish and Yankee ports to the missions, the 
following came exclusively from Spanish sources: iron pots and kettles; 
chocolate; farming equipment; horse tack and gear; hats, shawls, and 
decorative braid for clothing; medicine; spice and condiments; glass beads; 
musical instruments; snuff and cigars; fireworks; and paper and paint 
pigments (Costello 1992: 63). From Yankee smuggling came tablewares, 
cotton and silk stockings; pen knives, butcher knives, and bone handled 









23 1 






knives; razors; lead shot, powder, powder horns, and gun hammers; irons; 
buttons; and other small items. Espinosa (1970), in a study of Spanish female 
attire noted in probates from New Mexico 1704-1831, observed that traditional 
Spanish costume continued to be worn until the advent of the railroad. 
"With the railroad," she concluded, "came even more overpowering changes 
in the dress of New Mexican women. Lace mantillas were out-numbered by 
cotton bonnets and the guardainfante was replaced by the bustle" (1970: 7). 

Other studies of late colonial Spanish American ports provide 
additional evidence for the effects of the Atlantic economy on late colonial 
culture. The close trade connections and personal networks that tied together 
Havana, St. Augustine, Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York 
had their counterparts elsewhere. 

Puerto Rico provides a intereting comparative case for St. Augustine. 
Restrictions against trade with the Dutch were relaxed in 1785 and but it was 
only in 1815 that a cedula opened trade to any ports with a Spanish consul 
(Joseph and Byrne 1992: 50). A study of the relationship between ceramic 
assemblages and socioeconomic position in San Juan during the late 
eighteenth and early nineteenth century bears out the importance of 
commodity flow on regional manifestations of material patterning. 
Earthenwares of non-Hispanic manufacture were of considerably less 
importance than in St. Augustine, composing at most about 55 percent of 
assemblages (Joseph and Byrne 1992: 54). The assemblages at upper class 
households in San Juan seem to conform to the general pattern noted at First 
Spanish Period early eighteenth century assemblages in St. Augustine. The 
most common wares were non-Hispanic, followed by locally made pottery in 
the Spanish tradition. Only about 5 percent of assemblages consisted of 
Hispanic-wares produced outside of Puerto Rico. However, Hispanic 



232 









earthenware, local and non-local, made up about 80 percent of the 
assemblages of households in middle and lower socioeconomic positions in 
San Juan. In St. Augustine, of course, assemblages from these strata consisted 
entirely of British- and American-made products. Majolicas and Spanish 
utilitarian wares made up less than 7 percent of assemblages even at the 
affluent Spanish households of Sanchez and Bousquet. These data suggest 
that San Juan was better insulated against imports and that British goods were 
a mark of status. In St. Augustine the opposite was true; it was Spanish- and 
Mexican-made earthenwares that were difficult to obtain and these occur 
exclusively in the assemblages of the prosperous. 

In Mexico, or New Spain, the effects of the Atlantic economy were later 
in coming but nonetheless apparent toward the end of the colonial period. 
Kicza (1983), in his in-depth study of commerce and commercial networks in 
Mexico City during the Bourbon period, outlined the ties of marriage, wealth, 
and hidalguia which united the ruling elite. Traditional estates and ethnic 
statuses were breaking down under the influence of new wealth. Through 
intermarriage of Creole and peninsular Spaniards, the great merchant families 
operated extensive kin-networks, with relatives and in-laws at key ports or in 
key positions in both Spain and the New World. Yet as early as 1753, Spanish 
colonists were already spread through all walks of life. In Mexico City, as in 
eighteenth-century Oaxaca as reported by Chance and Taylor (1977) and in 
Guadalajara as reported by Anderson (1988), the twin criteria of noble lifestyle 
and noble occupation dictated status and governed upward and downward 
mobility. "The mere fact of being a store owner or a master craftsman-that is, 
ownership of nonresidential property or possession of a remunerative skill- 
was often sufficient to elevate someone into the ranks of those the society 
regarded as Spanish . . . Nor were the Spanish, whether creole or 






233 



peninsular, able to enjoy high-status and well-paying employment by the 
mere fact of their ethnicity" (Kicza 1983: 14). 

By the 1790s foreign commercial houses were attempting to infiltrate 
Vera Cruz and Mexico City as they had Havana. "Neutral trade from 1797 on 
revived Vera Cruz, but it promoted abuse by local and foreign merchant 
houses, official corruption, and dependence on foreigners. . . . Soon Vera 
Cruz merchants as well as seom from the interior established ties with 
mercantile houses in Baltimore, Charleston, Philadelphia, Boston, and New 
York. Mexican merchants named agents and representatives in those port 
towns and served as agents for American firms and as fronts for North 
Americans acquiring property" (Jimenez Codinach 1991: 155). Increasingly, 
too, there was a non-Spanish immigrant business community in Mexico City, 
as in other major ports. The study of this sector of the population was to 
compose Kicza's second volume on trade in the Bourbon period, but 
unfortunately the volume has not been written. 

Another by-product of research that was unfortunately not possible to 
include here was the price list generated for commodities in late colonial St. 
Augustine. Gasco (1992) has recently published a compilation of pricing 
information for basic commodities from the province of Soconusco, Mexico, 
from the late seventeenth through the eighteenth centuries. It is through the 
continued accumulation of such data that Spanish American archaeology will 
gain the sort of price indexes which have proven so useful in the archaeology 
of colonial British America. 

In other respects, this study has brought to a fruitful conclusion most of 
the methodological and philosophical goals set out in the introduction. 

The value of using multiple sources of data and multiple categories of 
material culture, recommended by Pyszczyk (1989) in his archaeological study 









.34 






of ethnicity, should be clear. Had this dissertation relied only on 
zooarchaeology, or ceramic analyses, or a study of probate records, its depth 
and interpretative scope would have been vastly diminished. 

The community study approach, which was used with such success in 
the investigation of St. Augustine's First Spanish Period, has again proven its 
utility in examination of the late colonial period. This work proffers 
additional testimony that community study ought to be applied much more 
extensively as an approach in historical archaeology than has hitherto been 
the case. In the face of a continued onslaught from the post-processualist 
school in historical archaeology, who offer little but diatribe against methods 
based in materialism, scientific method, and quantification, this study stands 
as a rebuttal. 

In the simple application of methods, this work has also made some 
ancillary contributions. It has demonstrated the efficacy of using Miller's 
emic classification of earthenwares as a research tool in a Spanish American 
setting. The use of cluster analysis and regression made possible an 
interpretation of data that would have been difficult to accomplish through 
subjective assessment of site assemblages and provided a method for 
comparing assemblages that can be reused in future. Analysis of faunal data 
demonstrated that the methods employed by Elizabeth Wing, Elizabeth Reitz, 
and and other zooarchaeologists for earlier time periods in Spanish Florida 
are equally useful and appropriate for study of late colonial subsistence. 

The final measure of a worthwhile journey, however, is how much it 
inspires others to follow the same road. Bit by bit, we have seen 
archaeologists return to the productive pursuit of community study during 
recent years. If this work can add momentum to such a trend, then whatever 
its other flaws or virtues, the author will have considered it a success. 






APPENDIX A 
LIBRARY INVENTORIES 















Table A-l. Books in the library of Miguel Yznardy, translator for Spanish 
Florida, from his 1803 probate inventory 



Title or Subject 



Pesos /reales 



in the Reign of King George III 
Nine Essays on Navagation and Pilotage, 

one volume in French by el Don Douquen 
A French-Italian grammar, one volume 
The Art of Cooking, in Engish, one volume 
The Modern Piper, one volume, in English 
The History of Insects (fourth volume) in English 



12 



6 





1 





1 





2 





1 








4 



1 



1 



A Spanish-English dictionary in one volume, by Johnson 

& a Spanish-English grammar in one volume 
A French-English dictionary by Chasubeau 

& a French-English grammar 
Father Kempis, one volume in English 
Method for Swimming in one volume by Mitchels 
Imperial Dictionary of Four Languages 
La Curia Filipica, on volume, old 
The Annual Register of 1758, one volume in English 
Dictionary of ??? in one volume in English 
Las Cartas de la Condesa de Chesterfield 

(second and fourth volumes) 
Las Cartas de la Condesa de Chesterfield 

(third volume) 
One dictionary of misspellings in English 
One volume of Las cartas de Escots 
One volume titled Crimenes y castigos 
One volume, Royal Cooking, in French 
One volume, Medicinal Chemistry, in French 
One volume, Moral Reflections [ Maximas l, 

by La Rochefoucauld, in French 
One volume, The Tragedy of Charles II, in French 
One book on sailing, in English 
One book, Criminal Process, old, 

by Roberto Francisa Damien, in French 
Second volume in English of Adventures of Telemacus 
One volume of the Acts of Parliament 






4 





4 





4 





6 





4 





4 





4 





4 





2 





2 





3 



4 











4 
4 
5 
4 
4 



236 



237 
Table A-l, cont. 

Title or Subject 

A book in English about the salvation of men 

One volume, Christian Discipline, in English 

One volume, Devotions, in English 

A French-German dictionary 

Second volume of The History of Animals, in English 

La Dittia, in English, one volume lacking the beginning 

One volume, Roman History, in English 

One book, Principles and Customs of the Times, in English 

Manual of Spiritual Practices, in English 

Baptismal Doctrine of the Guacones, in English 

Reflections on Man, one volume, in English 

Fourth volume of English Pilots on Navegation 

Total 45 4 



Pesos/: 


reales 


1 








5 





5 


2 








6 


1 


1 





3 





4 





2 





2 





2 


4 









23 8 



Table A-2. Books from the library of Juan Jose Bousquet 
colonial surgeon, from his 1815 probate inventory 

Title or Subject 

The Encyclopaedia, in French, 18 volumes 

A book on medicine in English, en partes 

Another of the same, Caxton edition 

A book by George Baker, in English 

Another, Elements of Medicine, in English 

An old dictionary in English and French 

Another, portable, in Engish 

Two volumes, Practice of [???], in English 

Another volume, old, Imitation of Christ 

Another, en partes, [not decipherable] 

Another, same form, Treatise 

Another, same form, Opera Universal, in Latin 

Another, same form, New Dispensation 

Another, same form, old, Essays 

Another, same form, Decalogue 

Another, same form, Caxton's Physical 

Another, same form, Pergamino bibliasacra 

Another, same form, old, Ejercicio de virtudes 

En partes, Cirugia moderna 

Another, en cuarto. Decalogue 

Another, same form, Elementos de medicina 

Another, same form, Lectura de materias 

Two more, same form, the first and 
second volumes, Materias medicas 

One volume, en partes, Observaciones epidemicales 

Two more, en partes. Travels [???1 

Another, same form, Historia natural 

Another, same form, Imitarion de Cristo 

Another, same form, Tabla anatomica 

Seven volumes, en cuarto, Practica de medicina 

Six volumes, en partes, Lecturas academicas 

One volume, en cuarto. dictionary of French and Latin 

Another, same form, on surgery 

Another, same form, Instrucciones medicinales. in Latin 

Another, same form, old, [indecipherable] in Latin 

One more, same form, Home Medicine, in English 

One more, old, Sureical Operation, in French 

One more, History of Plants, in French [?] 

One more, old, en partes. Fundamentals de medicina 

One more, same form, Moral Reflections, in English 

A dictionary of English and Spanish 





Pesos /reales 




18 




1 




4 




6 




1 




6 




1 2 




2 




4 




6 




6 




1 




6 




4 




4 




6 




1 




4 




1 4 




1 4 




1 4 




1 2 




3 




1 2 




1 




6 




1 




12 




8 


n 


1 4 




1 2 


tin 


8 




4 




6 




6 




1 




6 




1 




4 






23 9 



Table A-3. Books from the library of Colonel Jose Maria de la Torre 

Commander of the Cuban Infantry Battalion, 

from his 1807 probate inventory 

Title or Subject 

Ordinances, three volumes 

Compendium of the works of Buffon 

Don Quixote in six volumes 

Principles of Geography by Lopez, two volumes 

La Matilde in three volumes 

Diccionario militar, one volume 

French and English vocabulario, one volume 

Breldfeld erudicion completa, four volumes 

Commentaries of Tulius Caesar, two volumes 

Sheridan's English dictionary, two volumes 

Nociones militares, one volume 

Map of the Kingdom of Spain 



Pesos/: 


reales 


3 





11 





6 







4 


2 


2 


1 








6 


4 





4 





4 





1 


4 





2 






240 



Pesos h 


-eales 


6 





5 





1 





1 


4 



Table A-4. Books from the library of Enrique White, 

Governor of Spanish East Florida, 

from his 1811 probate inventory 

Title or Subject 

Two volumes in English titled 

American Gazeteer by Jebidiah Morse 
One volume in English, Ellicotts Tournal 
A magazine, eight volumes 

One volume in English, The New Annual Register 
Infantry Tactics, one volume, in French 3 

Colon juzgado militar, four volumes 10 

The Life of lose Balsamo, in French, one volume 1 

Dictionary of Spanish, French, and Latin, 

by M. de Sefournant, two volumes 
Boyer's dictionary of French and English, two volumes 
One volume in English, General Atlas 
Two volumes in English, The World of Peter Pindar 
Ceremonies of the Coronation of France, 

in English, one volume 
Tactics, in French, two volumes 
Measurement of Ireland, in English, one volume 
National Recreations, in English, two volumes 
The New Mercantile System, in English, one volume 
Diversionary Tactics, in French, one volume 
Port Chaise Companion, one volume 
Tourney to the United States, by William Prist, 

in English, one volume 
Three volumes of military ordinances 
One volume, Triple Almanac of England. Ireland , 

and Scotland 
Letter to Toseph Priestley, in English, one volume 
A memorial about the United States and Louisiana, 

in English, one volume 
Sketches, one volume 
Epistolas familiares del obispo de Mondonedo, 

one volume 
The New Testament, in English, one volume 
Oraciones y meditacionas para la misa. 

in Spanish, one volume 
Exposition on the Revolution of Liege, 

in French, one volume 



10 





8 





8 





2 








6 


2 





1 





4 





1 


4 


1 





1 





1 





2 


4 


1 








6 





6 


1 


4 





4 


1 








2 





2 






24 






Table A-4, cont. 



Title or Subject 



The Annual Register, in English, one volume 
Military Knowledge, in French, one volume 
A Spanish and English grammar 
Dictionary of English by Johnson 
Memorias historicas para servir a la 

Revolucion de Francia. one volume 
Atlas of Geography, in English, one volume 
Geographic Measurement of Spain and Portu gal. 

in English, one volume 
History o f the Roman Emperors, in French, two volumes 
The House of Stuart, in French, 

five volumes lacking the first 
Military dictionary, in French, three volumes 
Memoirs of Gui Toly. in English, two volumes 
Elements of Fortification, in French, one volume 
Several dramas in French, one volume 
A plan of the city of Paris 
Another of the city of London 
First Principles of the Marquis de Fourier . 

in French, three volumes lacking the first 
Mercury, in English, one volume 
Tournal of the year 1798. in English, volume five 
A dictionary of the Spanish language 



Pesos / 


reales 


1 








6 


1 


4 


2 








6 


2 








6 


12 





5 





3 





2 








6 





6 





6 





2 


5 





1 


4 





4 


8 


















APPENDIX B 
OCCUPATIONS IN ST. AUGUSTINE 



Government Employees in St. Augustine, 1784 



Position 



Name 



Yearly salary (pesos) 



Governor 


Vicente Zespedes 




5000 


Director of the 








Royal Treasury 


Gonzalo Zamorano 




1200 


Treasury Official 


Dimas Cortes 




500 


Notary 


Carlos Ximenez 




200 


Keeper of 








Artillery Stores 


Mariano Lasaga 




480 


Assistant to 








the Same 


Jose Antonio de Yguihez 


240 


Keeper of the 








Commissariat 


Manuel Almanza 




590 


Assistant to 








the Same 


Francisco Antonio Entrealbo 


360 


Another Assistant 


Manuel Lopez 




360 


Trustworthy 








Laborer 


Domingo Vidaburu 




180 


Cooper 


Jose Suarez 




540 


Chief Guard 


Manuel Fernandez Biendicho 


200 


Guards 


Manuel Fernandez y 


Velez 


132 




Pedro de Salas 




132 


Chief Overseer 








of Works 


Luciano de Herrera 




300 


Master Mason 


Manuel Alvarez 




300 


Master Armorer 


Juan San Salvador 




300 


Master Blacksmith 


Juan de Flores 




300 


Master Shipwright 


Antonio Lasso 




420 


Master Joiner 


Francisco Blasi 




300 


Shipyard Foreman 


Juan Sanchez 




420 


Master Locksmith 


Luis Molina 




300 






Source: Lockey 1949: 202-204. 












243 






244 



Other Governmental and Military Employees, 1784-1795 



Position 



Name 



Yearly salary (pesos) 



Mariano de la Rocque 
Manuel de los Reyes 
Carlos Howard 

Ignacio Pefialver y Calvo 

Pedro Jose Salcedo 



Chief Engineer 
Lieutenant Gov. 
Secretary to Gov. 
Commander, 

Havana Regiment 
Commander, 

Artillery Core 
Commander, 

Hiberian Regiment Guillermo O'Kelly 
Colonial Translator Miguel Yznardy 
Parish Priests Fr. Thomas Hasset 

Fr. Miguel O'Reilly 

Source: Tanner 1989 
na= not available 



na 
na 
na 

na 

na 

na 
na 
na 
na 






245 



Position 


Name 


Mor 


tthlv salary (pesos) 




Comptroller 


Juan Manuel Sezantes 




35 




Register 


Jose Elisondo 




18 




Superintendant 


Domingo Reyes 




22 




Chaplain 


Francisco Troconis 




25 




Physician 


Bernard La Madrid 




50 




Surgeon 


Juan Jose Bousquet 




45 




Pharmacist 


Ramon de Fuentes 




26 




2nd Pharmacist 


Rafael Espinosa 




15 




Assistant 


Carlos de Fuentes 




15 




Assistant in 










Surgery 


Tomas Caravallo 




20 




Assistant in 










Medicine 


Pedro Espinosa 




20 




Dispenser 


Diego Mora 




12 




Superintendant 










of Linens 


Juan Lopez 




12 




Interns 


Jose Vincente Ibahez 
Antonio Fernandez 




12 
12 






Pablo Matos 




12 






Juan Francisco Pereyra 




12 




Orderlies 


Julian Ximenez 




12 






Fernando de la Maza Arredondo 


12 






Francisco Xavier Perez 




12 






Domingo Villanueva 




12 




Baker 


Geronimo Alvarez 




20 




Cook 


Jose Fontanet 




18 




Servants 


Pedro Fontanet 




10 






Gaspar Candelaria 




10 






Juan Jacinto Herrera 




10 






Antonio Gonzalez 




10 






Pedro la Antigua 




10 






Juan Antonion Alfonso 




10 






Jose Arrocha 




10 






Ygnacio Sanchez 




10 






Andres Sabio 




10 






Antonio Piy 




10 








Source: Lockey 1949: 198-199 



246 



Distribution of Occupations Among Minorcans 



Occupation N 


umber 


Occupation N 


umber 


Farmer 


49 


Merchant/Farmer 


3 


Farmer/Fisher 


6 


Merchant/ Farmer/ 








Carpenter 


1 


Farmer /Overseer 


1 


Tavernkeeper 


3 


Farmer/Barber 


1 


Tavernkeeper /Farmer 


2 


Farmer/Mason 


1 


Rum Seller/Carpenter 


1 


Farmer /Carpenter/ 




Trader/Farmer/ Baker 


1 


Fisher 


1 






Fisherman 


7 


Ropemaker/ Fisherman 


1 


Fisherman/Farmer 


7 


Blacksmith /Mariner 


1 


Mariner 


37 


Hangman/Farmer /Calker 


1 


Mariner /Farmer 


4 


Tailor 


5 


Mariner/Fisher 


1 


Shoemaker 


4 


Mariner /Tavernkeeper 


1 


Seamstress 


2 


Mariner/Farmer /Fisher 


1 


Calker 


2 


Mariner /Tavernkeeper/ 








Farmer 


1 


Baker 


2 


Mariner/Mason 


1 


Tiler 




Carpenter 


15 


Weaver 




Carpenter /Farmer 


4 


Hatter 




Mason 


1 


Waiter 




Mason/Farmer 


1 


Sacristan 




Mason/Fisher /Farmer 


1 


Priest 





Total 



176 



Source: (Griffin 1991: 152). 









.47 



Some Occupations Listed by Free Blacks in the 1780s 



Butcher 

Carpenter 

Cook 

Domestic 

Fieldhand 

Fisherman 

Hosteler 

Hunter 



1 


Laundress 


4 


Manservant 


2 


Overseer 


3 


Ranch foreman 


NA 
1 


Sawyer 
Soldier/Mariner 


2 
1 


Tavernkeeper 



2 
2 
1 
1 
3 
5 
1 



Source: Landers 1988: 70 






Listed Occupations of French and Irish Settlers, 1790-1804 



248 



Irish 

Brewer 

Carpenter 

Carpenter (ship's) 

Cobbler /Shoemaker 

Cooper 

Cutter 

Farmer/Planter 

Hatter 

Joiner 

Loommaker 

Mariner 

Mason 

Merchant 

Overseer 

Pilot 

Tailor 

Tanner 

Soapmaker 

Storekeeper 

Unknown 



French 



1 


Baker 


11 


Barber 


1 


Blacksmith 


6 


Carpenter 


1 


Chairmaker 


1 


Cooper 


30 


Coppersmith 


2 


Doctor /Surgeon 


1 


Farmer/Planter 


1 


Mason 


2 


Mariner 


4 


Merchant 


15 


Painter 


1 


Pilot/Navigator 


1 


Tailor 


6 


Tanner 


3 


Ship Captain 


2 


Vendor 


1 


Unknown 


10 





3 

1 
1 
7 
1 
2 
1 
3 

15 
1 
6 

17 
1 
5 
3 
1 
1 
3 
3 






Total 100 Total 

Source: EFP, Loyalty Oaths, Bundle 350, 1790-1804 



75 












APPENDIX C 
PRICES FOR VESSEL FORMS IN ST. AUGUSTINE 









Blancos ordinarios /Plain commongrade tableware 
Prices in reales per vessel 

Form 1805 1806 1807 1807 1807 1817 1819 

•7 .5 .3 .5 



plato 




.5 


.5 


platillo 








fuente 


3.0 


4.0 


4.0 


fuente chico 


2.0 


2.0 




plato de entrada 








punchera 




2.0 


2.0 


sopera 


4.0 




12.0 


sopera sin tapa 






2.0 


cacerola 






8.0 



3.0 



6.0 



Source: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar;1807 probates of Andres Ximenez, John 
McQueen, Jose Maria de la Torre, and Ambrose Hull;1817 probate of Gaspar 
Papy; 1819 probate inventory of store for Matias Martinez 



Orillas azules o verdes /Edged wares 

Form 1805 1807 1817 1820 

Plato .5 .7 .5 .5 

plato chico .3 

fuente 2.1 4.0 

punchera 4.0 

sopera 24.0 

Source: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar; 1807 probate of Jose Maria de la Torre; 
1817 probate of Gaspar Papy; 1820 probate of Margarita Frean 





















250 



Form 



1805 



Teawares 



1806 



tazas 


1.0 




tazas grandes 






tazas y platillos 


.8 


1.0 


tazas y platillos 




2.6 


pozuelas 






tacitas 






tetera 


3.0 




cafetera 







1807 



2.0 



1807 1807 1815 



.5 






1.5 


.5 


1.0 


1.0 




1.0 




4.0 




6.0 





6.0? 



1820 
.7 



Sources: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar;1806 probate of Andres Ximenez;1807 
probates of Juan McQueen, Jose Maria de la Torre, and Ambrose Hull; 1815 
probate of Juan Jose Bousquet; 1820 probate of Margarita Freana 






Chamberpots and washbasins 



25 1 



Form 



orinales 

lebrillo 

porcelanas 









1800 



4.0 
1.5 






1805 



1807 



1807 



2.0 



4.0 



1.0 



3.0 






1815 



3.0? 



1820 



3.0 





















252 



Form 



jarro 

jarrito para leche 

jarro grande 

jarro chico 

jarro chico con pico 

jarro chico sin pico 

jarro (quart-size) 

jarro (1 /2 quart size) 



1805 



1.5 



Jugs and pitchers 



1806 



4.0 



1807 



.15 
6.0 

5.0 



1807 



.5 



1.0 

.7 



1815 



.15 



1820 















4.0 




2.0 




1.0 





Source: 1805 probate of Isavel Mayar; 1806 probate of Andres Ximenez;1807 

probates of Jose Maria de la Torre and Ambrose Hull; 

1815 probate of Juan Jose Bousquet; 1820 probate of Margarita Frean 



Form 



porron grande 
porron Catalan 
jarro de barro 
jarro de loza 
jarro chico de loza 
botija de barro 
tinaja de barroS.O 
tinaja de Espaha 
botija (3 galones) 



1789 



6.0 



Storage jars 
1805 1807 



4.0 



6.0 



8.0 



48.0 
48.0 



1807 



1817 1817 

8.0 



6.0 
5.0 

8.0 






Sources: 1807 claim by Josefa Menesis against Boix Buenaventura- 1807 
probate of Juan McQueen and Jose Maria de la Torre; 1817 probates of Caspar 
Papy and Jose Fontanet v 



■ 



APPENDIX D 
STATISTICS FOR CERAMIC ANALYSIS 












H 



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D 



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254 









255 






MULTIPLE REGRESSION 
FIT OF SEGUI AND SANCHEZ TO BOUSQUET ASSEMBLAGE 



DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Bousquet assemblage 

N: 11 MULTIPLE R: .983 SQUARED MULTIPLE R: 

ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .934 

STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 3.84303 

Variable Coefficient Std error Std coefficient Tolerance T 



.967 



Constant 

Usina 

Sanchez 

Triay 

Papy 

Segui 



-1.58771 
0.69721 

-1.70503 
0.11501 
0.09525 
2.16451 



1.92645 
0.73485 
1.09524 
0.75420 
0.55328 
0.66696 



0.00000 
0.28194 
-1.21503 
0.08081 
0.08587 
1.84056 



0.07527 
0.01091 
0.02367 
0.02671 
0.02067 



-0.82416 
0.94877 

-1.55676 
0.15249 
0.17215 
3.24535 



P(2 tail) 

0.44736 
0.38630 
0.18026 
0.88476 
0.87007 
0.02281 



ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE 

SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE F-RATIO P 

29.08859 0.00106 



REGRESSION 2148.03192 
RESIDUAL 73.84450 



5 

5 



429.60638 
14.76890 















MULTIPLE REGRESSION 
FACTORS EXPLAINING MEMBERSHIP IN TEA WARE CLUSTER 



256 



DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Affiliation by teaware cluster 

N: 6 MULTIPLE R: .999 SQUARED MULTIPLE R- 

ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .989 

STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 0. 1 7073 



.998 



Variable 


Coefficient 


Std error 


Std coefficient 


Tolerance T 


P(2 tail) 


Constant 


-1.05210 


0.75634 


0.00000 


-1.39105 


0.39680 


Ethnicity 


0.71370 


0.18555 


0.22569 


0.63499 3.84639 


0.16193 


Rank 


0.71148 


0.07359 


0.81510 


0.30757 9.66795 


0.06562 


Sample 1 


0.02462 


0.00362 


0.52476 


0.36795 6.80780 


0.09285 


Sample 2 


-0.09089 


0.01409 


-0.53780 


0.31460 -6.45143 


0.09790 






ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE 

SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE F-RATIO 



REGRESSION- 
RESIDUAL 



13.30418 
0.02915 



4 
1 



3.32605 
0.02915 



114.10291 0.07008 









STEPWISE REGRESSION WITH ALPHA-TO-ENTER= 015 
AND ALPHA-TO-REMOVE= .015 

STEP= 1 ENTER RANK R= .917 RSQUARE= .840 



THE SUBSET MODEL INCLUDES THE FOLLOWLNG PREDICTORS: 

CONSTANT 
RANK 



USE THESE PREDICTORS IN A NEW MODEL SENTENCE TO ESTIMATE 
THE COEFFICIENTS. 






25 7 



DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Affiliation by teaware cluster 

N: 6 MULTIPLE R: .917 SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .840 

ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .800 

STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 0.73030 



Variable Coefficient Std error Std coefficient Tolerance T P(2 tail) 



Constant -0.13333 0.67987 0.00000 

Rank 0.80000 0.17457 0.91652 



-0.19612 0.85408 
1.00000 4.58258 0.01016 






ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE 

SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE F-RATIO P 

21.00000 0.01016 



REGRESSION 11.20000 
RESIDUAL 2.13333 



1 
4 



11.20000 
0.53333 












258 



TEST OF VARIABLES EXPLAINING CERAMIC DATA 



DEPENDENT VARIABLE: Cluster membership based on rim data 
N: 6 MULTIPLE R: .868 SQUARED MULTIPLE R: 753 

ADJUSTED SQUARED MULTIPLE R: .000 
STANDARD ERROR OF ESTIMATE: 0.90709 



Variable 


Coefficient 


Std error 


Std coef 


Tolerance 


T 


P(2 tail) 


Constant 


-1.27033 


3.46687 


0.00000 




-0.36642 


0.77640 


Ethnicity 


0.97852 


1.02516 


0.61887 


0.58719 


0.95450 


0.51482 


Rank 


0.27842 


0.30546 


0.63793 


0.50391 


0.91147 


0.52947 


Size 


-0.03927 


0.12143 


-0.26243 


0.37494 


-0.32343 


0.80086 


Sample 


0.00705 


0.01280 


0.40742 


0.45029 


0.55028 


0.67974 



ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE 

SOURCE SUM-OF-SQUARES DF MEAN-SQUARE 



F-RATIO 



REGRESSION 
RESIDUAL 



2.51053 
0.82281 



4 0.62763 
1 0.82281 



0.76279 0.68393 



25 9 



PEARSON CORRELATION MATRIX FOR RIM COUNTS 



Bousquet Usina Sanchez Triay Papy Segui 



Bousquet 


1.00000 










Usina 


0.56428 


1.00000 








Sanchez 


0.90382 


0.73901 


1.00000 






Triay 


0.75814 


0.84647 


0.88858 


1.00000 




Papy 


0.73071 


0.73893 


0.89047 


0.96092 


1.00000 


Segui 


0.96809 


0.56961 


0.95744 


0.78010 


0.78281 



1.0000 



BARTLETT CHI-SQUARE STATISTIC: 93.635 DF= 15 PROB= 0.000 
MATRIX OF PROBABILITIES 

Bousquet Usina Sanchez Triay Papy Segui 



Bousquet 0.00000 



Usina 

Sanchez 

Triay 

Papy 

Segui 



0.07056 0.00000 



0.00013 
0.00685 
0.01064 
0.00000 



0.00937 
0.00102 
0.00938 
0.06737 



0.00000 
0.00026 
0.00024 
0.00000 



0.00000 
0.00000 
0.00462 



0.00000 
0.00439 



0.00000 



NUMBER OF OBSERVATIONS: 11 









BRAINERD-ROBINSON COEFFIENTS FOR RIM COUNTS 



260 



Bousquet Sanchez Segui Papy Usina Triay 






Bousquet 


- 


- 


- 


- 


Sanchez 


61.7 


- 


- 


- 


Segui 


41.5 


37.8 


- 


- 


Papy 


84.0 


43.5 


58.6 


- 


Usina 


89.5 


60.1 


85.6 


84.8 


Triay 


74.8 


49.4 


74.3 


47.6 



54.5 















- 






APPENDIX E 
MNI AND BIOMASS DATA FOR ZOOARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSEMBLAGES 















Scientific and Common Names Used in Species Lists 



Scientific Name 



Common Name 















Unidentified mammal 

Didelphis virginiana 

Scalopus aquaticus 

Sylvilagus sp. 

Rodentia 

Sciurus carolinensis 

Cricetidae 

Peromyscus sp. 

Sigmodon hispidus 

Rattus sp. 

Rattus rattus 

Carnivora 

Canis familiaris 

Felis domesticus 

Artiodactyl 

Sus scrofa 

Odocoileus virginianus 

Bos taurus 

Unidentified bird 

Anatidae 

Anas sp. 

Mergus sp. 

Mergus serrator 

Fulica americana 

Gallus gallus 

Meleagris sp. 

Meleagris gallopavo 

Limnodromus sp. 

Limosa sp. 

Catoptrophorus semipalmatus 

Columbidae 

Columba sp. 

Columba livia 

Muscicapidae 

Turdus migratorius 

Mimidae 

Quiscalus sp. 

Alligator mississippiensis 

Unidentified turtle 

Chrysemys/Pseudemys sp. 

Malaclemys terrapin 



Opossum 

Eastern mole 

Rabbit 

Gnawing mammals 

Gray squirrel 

Mice 

White-footed mice 

Cotton rat 

Old World rat 

Black or roof rat 

Carnivorous mammals 

Domestic dog 

Domestic cat 

Even-toed ungulates 

Domestic and feral pig 

White-tailed deer 

Domestic cow 

Ducks 

Surface-feeding ducks 
Mergansers 

Red-breasted merganser 
American coot 
Domestic chicken 
Turkev 

J 

Turkey 

Dowitcher 

Godwit 

Willet 

Pigeons and doves 

Pigeon or dove 

Rock dove 

Thrushes 

Robin 

Mockingbirds 

Grackle 

American alligator 

Pond turtle 
Diamond-back terrapin 



262 



263 



cf. Gopherus polyphemus. 
Gopherus polyphemus 
Cheloniidae 
Rana/Bufo sp 
Rana sp 
Bufo sp 
Scaphiopus sp. 
Squaliformes 
Rajiformes 
Carcharhinidae 
Carcharhinus sp. 
Carcharhinus acronotus 
Sphyrna sp. 
Sphyrna tiburo 
Unidentified fish 
Clupeidae 
Ariidae 
Ariopsis felis 
Bagre marinus 
Opsanus tau 
Centropristis sp. 
Micropterus dolomieui 
Lopholatilus sp. 
Pomatomus saltatrix 
Carangidae 
Caranx hippos 
Lutjanus sp. 
Diapterus sp. 
Orthopristis sp. 
Archosargus sp. 
Calamus sp. 
Calamus bajonado 
Sciaenidae 
Cynoscion sp. 
Cynoscion nebulosus 
L.eiostomus sp. 
Menticirrhus sp. 
Micropogonlas sp. 
Micropogonias undulatus 
Pogonias cromis 
Sciaenops ocellatus 
Mugil sp. 
Mugil cephalus 
Paralichthys sp. 
Unidentified bone 



Possible gopher tortoise 

Gopher tortoise 

Sea turtles 

Frog or toad 

Pig or leopard frog 

Toad 

Spadefoot toad 

Sharks 

Rays 

Requiem sharks 

Requiem shark 

Blacknose shark 

Hammerhead shark 

Bonnethaed shark 

Herrings 

Sea catfishes 

Harhead catfish 

Gafftopsail catfish 

Oyster toadfish 

Sea bass 

Smallmouth bass 

Tilefish 

Bluefish 

Jacks and pompanos 

Crevalle jack 

Snapper 

Pompano or mojarra 

Pigfish 

Sheepshead 

Porgy 

Jolthead porgy 

Drums 

Seatrout 

Spotted seatrout 

Spot 

Possible kingfish 

Croaker 

Atlantic croaker 

Black drum 

Red drum 

Mullet 

Striped mullet 

Flounder 






264 



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Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing 
First and Second Spanish Period Faunal Categories 
Based on Mean Biomass of Six Sites from Table 9.2 



276 










Domestic 


Wild 


Wild 


Aquatic 


Fish and 






Sites 


Animals 


Terrestrial 


Birds 


Reptiles 


Sharks 


Totals 




SPANISH II 
















Mean 


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5.5 


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9.7 


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Predicted 
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Totals 


170.4 


12.9 


.6 


1.1 


14.3 


199.3 






















X 2 = 2.27. Value of X 2 at 4 degrees of freedom must be > 9.48773. 
The differences in mean values for faunal categories from the two 
periods are not statistically significant. 

Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.2 and 

the de Mesa, Acosta, and de Leon data from Reitz and 
Cumbaa (1983: 175). 






277 



Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing 

First and Second Spanish Period Faunal Categories 

Based on Mean Biomass of Five Sites from Table 9.2 






Sites 



Domestic Wild Wild 

Animals Terrestrial Birds 



Aquatic Fish and 
Reptiles Sharks Totals 



SPANISH II 




Mean 


83.5 


Predicted 


(81.5) 


SPANISH I 




Mean 


79.4 


Predicted 


(81.4) 



5.5 
(9.65) 



13.8 
(9.7) 



.3 

(.5) 



.6 
(.5) 



.7 
(.6) 



.5 
(-6) 



9.7 

(7.7) 



5.7 
(7.7) 



99.7 






99.6 



Totals 



162.9 



19.3 



1.2 



15.4 



199.3 



X 2 = 4.85. Value of X 2 at 4 degrees of freedom must be > 9.48773. 
The differences in mean values for faunal categories from the two 
periods are not statistically significant. 

Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.2 and 

the de Leon and Contreras data from Reitz and Cumbaa 
(1983: 175). 









Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing 

Pig, Deer, and Cow in Assemblages 

Based on Mean Biomass of Wealthy Second Spanish 

and First Spanish Sites 



278 



Sites 



Pig_ 



Deer 



Cow Totals 



SPANISH II 



Mean 
Predicted 



21.2 
(17.9) 



4.6 
(7.9) 



61.3 
(61.2) 



87.1 



SPANISH I 



Mean 
Predicted 



14.7 
(17.9) 



11.3 
(7.9) 



61.2 
(61.3) 



87.2 



Totals 



35.9 



15.9 



122.5 



174.3 



X 2 = 4.0. Value of X 2 at 2 degrees of freedom must be > 10.5966. 
The differences in the relative frequency of mean biomass values is not 
statistically significant. 

Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.4 and 

the de Leon and Contreras data from Table 9.6 and Reitz 
and Curnbaa (1983: 176). 



279 



Chi-square Two Way Contingency Table Comparing 

Pig, Deer, and Cow in Assemblages 

Based on Mean Biomass of Second Spanish Period Sites 

and Mid-level Criollo Sites from the First Spanish Period 



Sites Pig Deer Cow Totals 

SPANISH II 

Mean 21.2 4.6 61.3 87.1 

Predicted (12.87) (4.36) (69.8) 

SPANISH I 

Mean 5.3 4.4 82.3 91.9 

Predicted (13.6) (4.6) (73.7) 

Totals 26.5 7.0 143.6 179.0 



X 2 = 12.55. Value of X 2 at 2 degrees of freedom must be > 10.5966. 
The differences in the relative frequency of mean biomass values is 
statistically significant at X 2 Q05- 

Source: The Bousquet, Sanchez, and Segui data from Table 9.4 and 

the de Mesa and Acosta data from Table 9.6 and Reitz and 
Cumbaa (1983: 176). 






APPENDIX F 
ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROVENIENCES USED IN THIS STUDY 
























ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROVENIENCES USED IN THIS STUDY 















Site 


Provenience 


Description 


FS 


SA-7-6 


100N82EPitE 


Trash Pit 


14 




100N82EPitQ 


Trash Pit 


22 




100N97EFlExt. 




25 




100N 97E Area W 


PitUID 


36 




100N 82E F6 Top 




48 




100N82EPitS 


Trash Pit 


53 




100N82EF6 




56 




100N82EPitY 


Trash Pit 


57 




97N 88EAreaC 


PitUID 


73 




97N88EF11 




81 




100N 82E F6 Fill 




82 




97N 88E F10 Ext. 




90 




97N 88E Pit M 


Trash Pit 


95 




97N 88E Pit R 


Trash Pit 


99 




97N 67E Pit M 


Trash Pit 


160 




97N 67E Pit H 


Trash Pit 


163 




97N 67E Area X 


Pit UID 


175 




92.5N 68E Pit D 


Trash Pit 


185 




92.5N 68E Pit H 


Trash Pit 


186 




92.5N 68E Pit E 


Trash Pit 


188 




92.5N 68E Pit K 


Trash Pit 


190 




92.5N 68E Pit L 


Trash Pit 


191 




92.5N 68E Area G 


Pit UID 


192 




92.5N 68E Pit M 


Trash Pit 


195 




92.5N 68E Pit S 


Trash Pit 


200 




92.5N 68E Pit Q 


Trash Pit 


201 




92.5N 68E F16 LI 


Large Trash Pit 


205 




92.5N 68E F17 


Large Trash Pit 


211 




92.5N 68E Area A-2 


Pit UID 


212 




97N 65.5E Pit I 


Trash Pit 


213 




97N 65.5 Pit 2 


Trash Pit 


214 




97N 65.5E Pit 3 


Trash Pit 


215 




95.5N 68E F14 LI 


Large Trash Pit 


216 



281 



282 






Site 


Provenience 


Description 


FS 




SA-7-6 cont. 


97N 65.5E Pit 4 


Trash Pit 


217 






92.5N 68E F18 L2 


Large 


Trash Pit 


218 






92.5N 68E F14 L2 


Large 


Trash Pit 


219 






92.5N 68E F16 12 


Large 


Trash Pit 


220 






92.5N 68E F14 L3 


Large 


Trash Pit 


225 






92.5N 68E F18 L4 


Large 


Trash Pit 


228 






94N 63E Pit 5 


Trash Pit 


229 






92.5N 65E F14 L4 


Large 


Trash Pit 


230 






92.5N 68E Pit B-2 


Trash Pit 


233 






94N 63E Pit 2 


Trash Pit 


235 






92.5N 68E F20 LI 


Large 


Trash Pit 


236 






92.5N 68E F18 LI 


Large 


Trash Pit 


238 






92.5N 68E F16 L3 


Large 


Trash Pit 


239 






94N 63E Pit 12 


Trash Pit 


244 






94N 63E Pit 13 


Trash Pit 


256 






Room 110 TR1 Pit 2 


Trash Pit 


328 






Room 110 TR1 Pit 4 


Trash Pit 


334 




SA-26-1 


TP C F48 LI 


Well 




261 






TP C F48 L6 


Well 




262 






TP C F48 LI 


Well 




263 






TP C F48 L2 


Well 




264 






TP C F48 L3 


Well 




265 






TP C F48 L4-5 


Well 




266 






TR A Sec 3 F54 LI 


Well 




309 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L2 


Well 




333 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L2 


Well 




340 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L4 


Well 




350 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L5 


Well 




352 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L6 


Well 




354 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L7 


Well 




358 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L8 


Well 




359 






TR ASec3F54Lll 


Well 




260 






TR A Sec 3 F54 L9 


Well 




361 






TRASec3F54L10 


Well 




362 






TR A Sec 3 F54 


Well 




363 




SA-16-23 


40N 90E F38 


Well 




107 






40N 90E F37 


Well 




163 






40N 90E F37 (F29) 


Well 




288 






40N 90E F37 


Well 




320 






55N105EF20 


Poss. Well 


53 






F35 






92 













283 


Site 


Provenience 


Description 


FS 




SA-16-23 cont. 




Trash Pit 
Trash Pit 


73 
58 




SA-35-1 


Unit 1 F2 


Privy 


108 






Unit 1 L6 


Trash Pit 


109 






Unit 1 F4 


Trash Pit 


110 






Unit 1 F6 LI 


Trash Pit 


113 






Unit 1 F4 in F6 


Trash Pit 


114 






Unit 1 F6 


Trash Pit 


116 






Unit 1 F4 base 


Trash Pit 


119 






Unit 2 F2 


Privy 


204 




SA-34-3 


TP AF2 


Large Trash Pit 


15 






TPAF3L1 


Large Trash Pit 


20 






TP A F3 L2 


Large Trash Pit 


23 






TPAF3L3 


Large Trash Pit 


24 






TP A Area 13 in F3 


Large Trash Pit 


25 






TP A (F3) 


Large Trash Pit 


28 






TP A Area 15/16 


Large Trash Pit 


32 






TP A (F3) 


Large Trash Pit 


33 






TP A (F3) 


Large Trash Pit 


34 






TP A (F3) base 


Large Trash Pit 


35 






TP A (F3) 


Large Trash Pit 


36 






TP A Area 17 


Large Trash Pit 


38 






TP A F3-B LI 


Large Trash Pit 


43 






TP E Area 28 LI 


Large Trash Pit 


202 






TP E Area 28 


Large Trash Pit 


203 






TP C Area 29 LI 


Large Trash Pit 


208 






TP E F3 Lens A LI 


Large Trash Pit 


213 






TP E F3 Lens B LI 


Large Trash Pit 


214 






TP E F3 Lens A L2 


Large Trash Pit 


215 






TP E F3 (Area 28) 


Large Trash Pit 


216 






TP E F3 Lens B L2 


Large Trash Pit 


222 






TP E F3 Lens A LI 


Large Trash Pit 


223 






TP E F3 Lens B base 


Large Trash Pit 


224 






TP C F3 Lens A/B 


Large Trash Pit 


228 






TP E F3 Lens A L2 


Large Trash Pit 


229 






TP C F3 Lens B LI 


Large Trash Pit 


230 






TP C F3 Lens B L2 


Large Trash Pit 


231 








284 



Site 


Provenience 






Description 


FS 


SA-12-26 


Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.016 




Unit 3 Areas I, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.017 




Unit 3 Area 9 






Trash Pit 


3.020 




Unit 3 Fl 






Trash Pit 


3.038 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.039 




Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.040 




Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.045 




Unit 3 Area 17 






Trash Deposit 


3.048 




Unit 3 Area 9 






Trash Pit 


3.051 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.062 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.063 




Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.064 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.070 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.071 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.072 




Unit 3 F14 






Trash Deposit 


3.075 




Unit 3 Areas 1, 


6, 


24 


Trash Deposit 


3.080 




Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.082 




Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.086 




Unit 3 Area 5 






Trash Deposit 


3.088 




Unit 7 Fl 






Trash Pit 


7.004 




Unit 7 F2 






Trash Pit 


7.006 




Unit 7 Area 2 






Charcoal 


7.008 




Unit 8 F4 






Trash Pit 


8.016 




Unit 8 F4 






Trash Pit 


8.017 




Unit 8 F4 






Trash Pit 


8.018 



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Board. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 






James Gregory Cusick was born in North Plainfield, N.J., and grew up 
in New Jersey, Colorado, and Florida. He received a B.S. in journalism from 
Northwestern University in 1981, spent some years in publishing and free- 
lance writing in Chicago, and then became interested in archaeology. 

He entered the graduate program in anthropology at the University of 
Florida in 1985, where he worked on numerous projects directed by Kathleen 
Deagan, including Fountain of Youth and Fort Mose in St. Augustine, Puerto 
Real and En Bas Saline in Haiti, and La Isabela in the Domincan Republic. 
His master's thesis, a ceramic analysis of pottery from the contact-period 
Taino site of En Bas Saline, was completed in 1989, under the direction of Dr. 
Deagan, and doctoral work on the late Spanish colonial period in St. 
Augustine began that same year, also under Dr. Deagan's direction. 



318 






I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms 
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in 
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor' of Philosophy. 



Kathleen A. Deagan, Chairperson 
Professor of Anthropology 



fr\ 









I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms 
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in 
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Docto/o£ Philosophy. 






raid T. Milanich 
^rofessor of Anthropology 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms 
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in 
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Docto/of Philosophy. 



Murdo J Ivfa^Heod 

Graduate Research Professor of History 




I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms 
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in 
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the-degree of Doctor of Philosophy 



/ r 




\ 



Darrett/B. Rutman 

aduate Research Professor of History 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms 
to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in 
scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

Elizabeth S. Wing O 

Professor of Anthroplogy 



This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the 
Department of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and 
to the Graduate School and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the 
requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



December 1993 





















Dean, Graduate School 















UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 



3 1262 08556 7104